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行动党为红毛奶娘逝世默哀降半旗……

英帝国主义在位最久和最高统治者伊丽莎白女皇于2022年9月8日逝世了。

于2022年9月17日,我在脸书上看到一帧照片就此发表如下的一则帖子(见网址:Facebook):

“这帧照片是记者在香港街头拍摄的。。。一名少女坐在地上痛哭伊丽莎白女皇逝世。。。她的年纪绝对不会超过30岁。。。中华人民共和国成立至今73年。。。香港回归25年。。。香港废青‘反送中’暴乱过了约4年。。。《中国国家安全法(香港版)》通过并实施1年多。。。在北京的中国政府和在香港的特区政府对此时此景感触如何???

这是一帧照片主角选择的场景是‘自发自愿’的吗???。。

这是‘一国两制’下25年后的‘港人治港’的‘成绩’吗?

英国殖民主义者统治了香港150年,香港回归中国34年。这名少女年纪绝对不会超过这2个年限期,为什么她如此‘如丧考妣’???

有人说,这是英国殖民主义者的‘余毒’造成的吗?

老话说,‘自己瘦,别怪他人胖’!

香港特区政府和中国中央政府驻港政府机构在香港回归了34年都在干啥?

50年-25年=25年。。。

25年后的香港仍然是中国官二代和香港特区政府的乐园?

25年后的香港仍然是香港阔少3代的生产温床?

深思……”

于2022年9月13日,我也在网上看到一名反对国会议员在其个人网页写了如下一段话:(见网址:Facebook

“……作为一个国家,新加坡在殖民地历史上以自己的各种方式获得了利益:我们得到了英国协助我们从一个渔村发展成为世界上一个重要的港口、通过传教士开始在学校传播教育与知识(以及从这些学校毕业的学生今天仍然是岛上的最受人尊一个良好的官僚结构,协助推进我们国家的进程、我们也采纳了殖民地时期遗留下来的遗产,诸如公积金,种族结构……,以及即将进行辩论的普通刑法337A——我们必须面对的指责,至少我们必须适应新的诉求。

就殖民地时代而言,我们是幸运的。我们拥有一个具有战略性的海运枢纽。但是,没有真正的天然资源。就今天我们看到的新加坡社会而言,英国人把新加坡视为殖民地,而采取了这种最仁慈的手段,为新加坡就做了许多好处多过坏处。比起其他的英国殖民地,或者是使用暴力镇压更为普遍——这是其他英国殖民地国家和人民对英国殖民地统治存在着的的普遍看法。(……As a country, Singapore has bmenefited fro its colonial history in a number of ways: we enjoyed investment from Great Britain that helped us develop from a fishing village to an important global port, missionaries started schools that transferred education and knowledge (and many remain among the most esteemed on the island today), and we inherited institutions—such as a Westminster parliamentary system, a common law legal framework, and a well-structured bureaucracy—that helped us massively in our development journey. We also adapted a number of colonial-era hangovers, such as CPF, racial structures (think CMIO), and the soon-to-be-debated 377A—hat we’ve had to contend with and, at the very least, adapt to our own needs.
As far as colonies go, we were fortunate. We had a strategic location for a seafaring empire, but no real natural resources of consequence. Britain saw Singapore as a settlement colony, and this enabled the sort of mostly-benevolent rule that has contributed, for more good than ill, to the society we see today. For other extractive colonies, or where violent suppression was more pervasive, the population’s view of their former colonial masters tends to be far less charitable. ……)

他写这段话的目的是出自于‘礼貌性与恭维’?还是‘外交辞汇’?我不知道。但是,从字里行间不然看出如下的问题:

1.英国殖民主义者统治新加坡人民期间对人民争取独立、自由、平等与民主的斗争是——“采取了这种最仁慈的手段,为新加坡就做了许多好处多过坏处!”

2.新加坡社会有今天的‘成就’是——“英国协助我们从一个渔村发展成为世界上一个重要的港口、通过传教士开始在学校传播教育与知识!”

3.今天新加坡是拥有着世界上最繁忙的港口是——“就殖民地时代而言,我们是幸运的。我们拥有一个具有战略性的海运枢纽。但是,没有真正的天然资源”

比起香港那位年龄不超过30岁对红毛干姥姥的逝世如丧考妣的小女孩,这位反对党国会议员的表达方式当然是更加具有绅士般风度的感恩载德!

他们之间的共同点是:

1.他们都是年龄不超过50岁——前者不超过30岁;后者不超过50岁;

2.前者是在香港回归中国后出世的;后者是在新加坡共和国独立后出世的;

3.前者享受着中国中央政府予以香港的各种‘贵族子女’的‘待遇’;后者是享受着行动党政府予以的英文至上的高等教育。

新加坡行动党政府为红毛干奶娘的逝世也做了如下的‘隆重安排’!

1.于2022年9月12日国会开会前举行全体国会议员默哀1分钟;

2.于2022年9月16日所有政府部门降半旗。

为什么行动党政府要刻意以国家的名誉为干奶娘的逝世举行悼念?(就如2018年行动党政府计划为纪念英国人莱佛士登陆新加坡200周年一样!一场冠状病毒,把行动党精心筹备的庆祝活动静悄悄的抹过去了。幸运得很。)

伊丽莎白女皇为新加坡人民做了哪些贡献,第三/四代行动党政府需要以国家的名誉悼念红毛干奶娘!

请大家看看一下的这张插图及说明吧:

他写这段话的目的是出自于‘礼貌性与恭维’?还是‘外交辞汇’?我不知道。但是,从字里行间不然看出如下的问题:

1.英国殖民主义者统治新加坡人民期间对人民争取独立、自由、平等与民主的斗争是——“采取了这种最仁慈的手段,为新加坡就做了许多好处多过坏处!”

2.新加坡社会有今天的‘成就’是——“英国协助我们从一个渔村发展成为世界上一个重要的港口、通过传教士开始在学校传播教育与知识!”

今天新加坡是拥有着世界上最繁忙的港口是——“就殖民地时代而言,我们是幸运的。我们拥有一个具有战略性的海运枢纽。但是,没有真正的天然资源”

比起香港那位年龄不超过30岁对红毛干姥姥的逝世如丧考妣的小女孩,这位反对党国会议员的表达方式当然是更加具有绅士般风度的感恩载德!

他们之间的共同点是:

1.他们都是年龄不超过50岁——前者不超过30岁;后者不超过50岁;

2.前者是在香港回归中国后出世的;后者是在新加坡共和国独立后出世的;

3.前者享受着中国中央政府予以香港的各种‘贵族子女’的‘待遇’;后者是享受着行动党政府予以的英文至上的高等教育。

新加坡行动党政府为红毛干奶娘的逝世也做了如下的‘隆重安排’!

于2022年9月12日国会开会前举行全体国会议员默哀1分钟;

于2022年9月16日所有政府部门降半旗。

为什么行动党政府要刻意以国家的名誉为干奶娘的逝世举行悼念?(就如2018年行动党政府计划为纪念英国人莱佛士登陆新加坡200周年一样!一场冠状病毒,把行动党精心筹备的庆祝活动静悄悄的抹过去了。幸运得很。)

伊丽莎白女皇为新加坡人民做了哪些贡献,第三/四代行动党政府需要以国家的名誉悼念红毛干奶娘!

请大家看看一下的这张插图及说明吧:

1. 日本侵占马来亚半岛和新加坡岛时期

1941年日本侵略者侵入并占领马来亚半岛及新加坡到时,当时拥有军舰、大炮等先进武器的英国殖民主义者在日本军队登陆时,脚底抹油逃到澳洲,剩下14万来不及溜走的英军在1942年2月15日向7万骑着轿车登陆的日本侵略军缴械投降!英军的溜走和投降造成了近20万新加坡各族人民(以华族占多数)被日本侵略军杀害。

英国殖民主义者重新占领马来亚半岛和新加坡岛

1945年全世界人民反法西斯战争取得胜利时,英国人又溜回来窃取了马来亚(包括新加坡)人民在马来亚共产党领导下进行抗日战争取得的胜利!它们以‘胜利者’自居重新占领了马来亚半岛和新加坡岛。马来亚半岛和新加坡岛人民在两地分别成立了人民委员会。以维持战后的社会秩序。

随着英国殖民主义者重新回到马来亚半岛和新加坡,英国的垄断资本,随着英军的炮舰、坦克开进新加坡和马来亚各地。他们开始夺取马来亚的锡矿、胶园、煤矿、铁路、炼锡厂、油类加工厂等等工矿和农林、交通企业、对外贸易的垄断权利.(马来亚树校年产量很快就恢复到60万吨以上,占全世界总产量4 0%左右;锡的年产量很快恢复到7万多吨,占全世界总产量的三分之一以上.胶锡的出口总值占总出口总值70%左右.加上铁砂,棕油、椰油、木材、罐装菠萝 的出口,两三年内就从几亿元增加到l 0几亿元.输入除食品与石油类以外,化工品类、交通器材和以纺织品为主的轻工业产品,多数来自英国及联邦各自治领。)新加坡的转口贸易.所得利润每年也有2 亿美元以上的收益。因此,新加坡与马来亚在战后几年岁月里,为贫困拮据的英国所赚的外汇,多于大不列颠帝国的其他方面所得。1 945年至1 9 4 6年之间,新、马许多邮局所收大量寄往英国的私人包裹当中,很大比重是白糖、鸡旦等食品。“政治是经济的集中表现。”经济利益使军事管制政府决定坚决镇压马来亚人民要求民主自由的各种合理活动.

在马来亚半岛实施《紧急法令》

战后世界各国与地区人民为争取国家独立、民主、自由与平等的斗争风起云涌。马来亚半岛和新加坡岛人民也不例外。英国为了巩固其在马来亚半岛和新加坡岛的经济利益,它们于1948年6月30日在马来亚半岛和新加坡岛实施军事管制,企图为此维持在马来亚半岛和新加坡岛的殖民统治。它们施展了两手的统治手段:

1.进行改良欺骗、施放虚假民主烟幕——强制撤销各地人民委员会的同时,在新加坡和吉隆坡编导咨询委员会的虚假民主闹剧.实际上是继承日本统治马来亚粉饰太平的旧花招,玩弄假民主,实 施小恩小惠,用于欺骗人民;1 9 4 5年1 2月1 2目,新加坡咨询委员会第二次会议讨论的议案是:公共卫生福利问题,贿赂社会罪恶问题,货物保险.履用女招待,小贩食物档,为妓女设立居所等等,根本不敢 接触重大的政治问题;

.挑拨民族团结,制造马来人排华事件——英国殖民主义者重新统治不到半年多时间,充分使用‘分而治之’的殖民地惯用统治手段。在马来亚人民抗日军还没有复员的时候,就组织和怂恿马来民族当中少数极端民族主义者,制造事端,蒙骗广大马来群众,提出“马来人万岁!打倒中国人!”的口号.煽起排华事件.少数暴徒乘机进行屠杀男女老幼华人,抢劫烧屋.北自吉打,南至柔佛,各州大都发生过此类仇者快、亲者痛的不同规模的排华流血事件(森美兰的马口发生了排华,人民抗日军战士,为维护民族感情,坚持不开枪,有五人惨死在暴徒的巴冷刀下)!

3.露出狰狞面孔,实行血腥镇压——1945年当时马来亚半岛和新加坡岛人口总数的约520万,其中马来半岛人口约432万、新加坡岛人口月88万。英国与马来诸邦的统治者商订新的协议——在马来亚联邦成立后,对华人严加限制,规定华人申请公民权,“必须具备良好品格,具备充分之马来语或英语知识……。”其目的是英国人用以排斥广大华人及制造民族偏见,煽起民族纠纷。马来亚联合邦终于在1957年8月31日成立。1948年6月20日,马来亚共产党为了反击英国殖民主义者在全面各地的血腥镇压,带领了当时的抗日军队伍走进森林,与英国殖民主义者进行了抗英民族解放战争。这场战争一直持续到1957年7月31日马来亚联合邦成立。在英国殖民主义者的精心策划下,马来亚联合邦的统治者成了马来亚共产党进行的抗英民族解放战争面对的敌人!但实际上英国殖民主义者仍然控制着马来联合邦的军事指挥权。当时设立了‘华人新村’和‘剿共军事行动’!

在新加坡岛实施《防止公共安全法令》(简称《公安法令》PPSO)

与此同时,英国殖民主义者在新加坡扶植了以林有福为首的傀儡政权。林有福在新加坡的任务就是消灭华文教育、镇压在新加坡反对英国殖民主义统治的民族主义者支持马共领导的抗英民族解放战争的斗争、马来亚联合邦和培养一批被英国教育熏陶的受英文教育公务员队伍。

这就是新加坡历史上1953年著名的华校中学生反对英国殖民主义者的征兵服役计划的‘513’事件、1954年著名的福利巴士工友要求改善工作条件与福利的‘512 ’巴士工友罢工事件,以及马来亚大学新加坡分校社会主义俱乐部8名在籍学生被捕并控上法院的‘花惹’事件!

不论是在马来亚半岛或者是新加坡岛,大批反对英国殖民主义统治的爱国者被英国殖民主义者逮捕、逮捕监禁、驱逐出境到原生国,甚至被杀害!

1959年林德宪制下的新加坡市议会选举

尽管如此,英国人及其扶植的林有福傀儡政权仍然无法镇压和消灭新加坡人民反对英国殖民主义统治、争取新加坡独立、自由、民主与平等的斗争。为此,英国殖民主义者被迫推出了一个所谓的‘林德宪制’来缓和人民党强烈不满——它们在新加坡推行了英国式的议会选举。

1959年5月30日,新加坡人民通过议会选举投票,推翻了林有福快乐政权的统治,并成立了拥有劳工与教育自主权的新加坡自治邦政府。

但是英国殖民主义者拒绝让新加坡人民实现真正完全的独立。

推行“大马来西亚联邦计划”

由于英国殖民主义者无法满足新加坡要求实现一个真正拥有国家主权独立完整的新加坡,它不得不在1961年通过时任马来亚联合邦总理东姑阿都拉曼,抛出了‘大马来西亚联邦计划’,把原属于英国殖民地的新加坡、汶莱、沙巴与砂劳越并入《大马来西亚联邦计划》。

然而,当“大马来西亚联邦计划”推出后,包括马来亚联合邦以及英国他知道殖民地——新加坡、文莱、沙巴和沙捞越(简称‘五邦’)的进步政党组织的共同反对。

英国殖民主义者为了早日实现它们的“大马来西亚联邦计划”,于1962年,在文莱策划了所谓‘汶莱人民党武装起义事件’,一举消灭了汶莱人民党和砂劳越人民联合党的反殖进步力量。

于1963年2月2日,在新加坡以代号《冷藏行动》的大逮捕行动党,逮捕了以林清祥为首领导的左翼政党社阵、人民党和工会组织优秀领导人和中坚力量;接着在同年9月18日举行大选后,又在进行另一场大规模的逮捕行动,把矛头对准参与大选的候选人、左翼政党、工会、校友会、文化艺术团体,以及高等学府学生领袖。

××××××××

上述的各个历史阶段(从1945年到1963年9月18日新加坡被加入马来西亚联邦)不是目前每个活跃于新加坡政坛的人或参加政治活动所知悉的!

1.行动党第一代领导人(包括后来被李光耀开除出行动党的行动党左翼分子后来成立了社阵)参与战后的反对英国殖民统治和争取新加坡实现真正独立、民主、自由和平等的斗争:

2.行动党第一代和第二代领导人参与了镇压新加坡左翼政党反对新加坡加入马来西亚联邦计划的斗争;以及了解新加坡被马来西亚右翼极端种族主义集团赶出马来西亚和新加坡共和国的成立;

到此,我们可以看到有关反对党国会议员所说的那些对英国殖民主义者感恩戴德的‘肺腑之言’了!

我们也对行动党政府不惜以国家的名誉为其干奶娘的逝世举行默哀和降半旗到底是咋回事了!


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 ‘不选边站’的‘选边站’是魔术师忽悠观众的语言表演伎俩

2022年8月9日,李显龙又在‘庆祝国庆群大会’上发表一年一度的总理演说了。今年底演说里谈到2个国际问题:(见网址:【国庆群众大会2022】李总理华语演讲全文 – 8world)俄乌军事冲突;二、中美剑拔弩张的关系。

一、俄乌军事冲突

李显龙说:

“俄乌战争爆发的时候 ,新加坡明确表态谴责俄罗斯。一般新加坡人明白政府的立场,但是也有一些人问政府,为什么要得罪俄罗斯?为什么要和美国站在同一阵线?新加坡何必“强出头”?其实我们不是选边站,我们不是亲美,也不是要和俄罗斯作对。但是,我们必须采取坚定的立场,捍卫根本的原则,不能含糊。因为国家主权和领土完整,对所有国家,无论大小,都很重要。尤其对新加坡这样一个小国来说,这关系到国家的生存。我们向来反对强权就是公理。……在乌克兰问题上,如果我们不坚持立场,不明确表态,万一有一天,我国面对侵略,国际上就不会有人为我们说话。……在亚洲国家当中,印度投了弃权票。印度的主要战略考量是与中国的关系。印度与中国之间存在相当严重的摩擦。因此,他们有充足的理由要同俄罗斯保持友好关系,他们也要继续向俄罗斯购买军备。中国也投了弃权票。中国主要考虑到自身与美国之间的矛盾。中方认为,即使他们反对俄罗斯的侵略行为,也不会赢得美国的感激和回报。一些中国的言论甚至认为,美国对付俄罗斯之后,下一个目标就是中国。毕竟,一些美国的言论,就把乌克兰问题定义为民主国家和独裁政权之间的斗争。这使到中国更不愿意削弱同俄罗斯“上不封顶”的战略合作关系。在亚细安,越南和老挝投了弃权票。这两个国家从苏联时代,就同俄罗斯的关系密切。其他的亚细安成员国虽然支持决议案,但都没有点名谴责俄罗斯。这是可以理解的,他们的危机感不像我们那么强烈,因为他们都不是亚细安最小的成员国。新加坡是亚细安最小的成员国,我们的利益考量自然和这些国家不一样。这就是为什么我们不但谴责俄罗斯,还对它采取了针对性的制裁。”(见网址:(【国庆群众大会2022】李总理华语演讲全文 – 8world

2022年2月24日是俄罗斯总统普京宣布开展“特别军事行动”的理由是:对乌克兰进行“去军事化”和“去纳粹化”,并保护乌克兰东部地区的顿涅茨克人民共和国和卢甘斯克人民共和国中的顿涅茨克,讲俄语的乌克兰人。

乌克兰就俄罗斯的‘特别军事行动’的立场是:捍卫国家主权、领土完整,反对俄罗斯的军事侵略。

我们必须搞清楚的问题是:

俄罗斯与乌克兰是同一个国家还是领国?为什么两国会发生军事冲突?或者说,为什么俄罗斯要对乌克兰采取‘特别军事行动’?

一、俄罗斯与乌克兰两国之间历史背景:

A、据史料记载1654年,乌克兰哥萨克领袖赫梅利尼茨基与俄罗斯沙皇签订《佩列亚斯拉夫和约》,商请沙俄来统治乌克兰,自此乌克兰与俄罗斯帝国正式合并,这是从法理上来看这是个确实是合法的,所以从历史上这么来说,乌克兰和俄罗斯还真是一个国家。普京就是以此作为看展‘特别军事行动’的理由。

B、二战结束后,乌克兰与俄罗斯原本都属于苏维埃社会主义共和联邦(简称‘苏联’下同。),不算邻国。后来苏联解体。乌克兰内部分为两个派别,一个是亲欧洲的,一个是亲俄罗斯的。现在的乌克兰政府是亲欧洲的,所以在许多问题上就会与俄罗斯产生分歧。乌克兰一直也想加入欧盟和北约,这与俄罗斯的利益是对立的。其实乌克兰和俄罗斯曾经长时间结盟,特别是在苏联时期,形成了密切关系和盘根错结的利益关系,不会因两个民族的各自独立而中止。

C、俄罗斯对乌克兰进行的‘特别军事行动’是因为乌克兰另一个闹独立的地区顿巴斯地区。普京于2022年2月21日晚上承认的乌克兰东部地区的顿涅茨克人民共和国和卢甘斯克人民共和国中的顿涅茨克。乌克兰看着领土接二连三的被分裂(包括2014年乌克兰的克里米亚并入俄罗斯),因此就坐不住了。乌克兰政府军和当地的民间武装爆发了大规模武装冲突,最后通过国际社会调停,签订了停火协议进入了暂时冻结状态。但是在美国的拜登上任后这种冻结状态开始就开始升温了。

D、俄罗斯对乌克兰进行的‘特别军事行动’的另一个主要原因,跟美国的煽风点火有很大的关系。俄乌战争爆发前,美国有个网站就直播俄罗斯攻占乌克兰的相关消息,虽然事后道歉了。美国总统拜登也曾公开表态过俄罗斯会在2022年2月16日攻打乌克兰等等,以上就是俄乌战争爆发的背景的简单说明。

俄乌战争爆发至今已经7个多月了。

双方在战争爆发初始所宣示的理由到了今天已经产生了质变了!

在7多月后的今天,李显龙在谈论俄乌战争的问题时,必须就当前的最新发展提出自己最新的看法,而不是照旧‘宣本照读’7个月前的‘立场’!

事实是:

一、俄乌战争发展到今天已经7个多月,俄乌双方的武装军事冲突加剧了!造成军事冲突加剧的原因是:美国西方国家目前是在‘支持乌克兰恐惧俄罗斯的侵略与维护国家主权、领土完整,捍卫西方民主’的幌子下, 提供跟着武器及经济援助予以乌克兰。他不谴责或者呼吁美国西方国家停止对乌克兰予以的军事武器和经济援助源源不断地通过各种渠道进入了乌克兰,却在重申:新加坡是亚细安最小的成员国,我们的利益考量自然和这些国家(亚细安国家)不一样。这就是为什么我们不但谴责俄罗斯,还对它采取了针对性的制裁。

二、行动党一直强调‘居安思危、防止外国的侵略’?!新加坡在亚细安国家是属于老幺。这一点是事实。新加坡也是亚细安成员国中拥有美国与西方国家生产的最多和最先进的武器。这一点也是事实。关键的问题是:

李显龙口里所指的新加坡可能面对的‘外国侵略者’是哪一个国家?也就是‘假想敌’(甭管的现存的、或者潜在的)是指亚洲国家哪个国家,中国?越南?马来西亚?印尼?当然不会是来美国、英国、欧盟、澳洲、日本或韩国……。

三、根底不牢,地动山摇。俄乌战争的延续。这是自二战结束以来世界各国的经济和世界石油、天然气以及粮食链,已经陷入前所未有困境。世界各国,特别是经济脆弱的国家,必然要产生政治危机。

诸如李显龙在演讲一开始所说的:
“……另一个影响全球安全形势的是俄罗斯对乌克兰的侵略。这导致俄罗斯和许多国家,尤其是和美国以及其他北约国家,产生了深刻的矛盾。而这一切都对新加坡影响深远,我担心,这个区域里,大国之间的博弈会更加激烈,局势也会更加紧张。……”

新加坡在俄乌战争爆发时已经明确自称是‘不选边站’的立场了。俄乌战争已经超过7个月了。现在仍然继续重申这个立场对于停止俄乌战争、对新加坡的经济有什么益处?

行动党目前要做的是:

  • 与世界各国共同努力积极地促成俄乌战争早日停止,同时,共同努力实现俄罗斯与乌克兰早日回到谈判桌上解决双方在领土、主权与安全的问题并达致协议(哪怕是暂时的停火协议,如朝鲜半岛的《板门店临时停火协议》);
  • 要求美国与西方国家立即停止供应各种进攻性武器予以乌克兰。纵容乌克兰在‘捍卫国家主权与领土完整’的幌子下继续与俄罗斯进行军事抗衡;
  • 中美剑拔弩张的关系

中美关系问题

李显龙说:“……中国和美国的分歧日渐加深,台湾问题只是其中一个争端。……”(见网址:【国庆群众大会2022】李总理华语演讲全文 – 8world

台湾问题只是导致中美剑拔弩张的关系其中一个终端吗?!真的吗?

李显龙是在模糊和淡化当前中美关系剑拔弩张的根本原因!

中美关系剑拔弩张的根本原因就是台湾问题!

中美之间在中国加入世贸组织、贸易壁垒、关税、科技技术封锁、知识产权……等问题,都是在中国改革开放后30多年里产生的。两国间的矛盾摩擦从未中断,但是两国本着平等协商与互惠的前提下,解决了双方不少的矛盾。真正的原因是:中国的国家综合实力吗特别是在经济上海军事上的成就,被美国人视为威胁它在世界经济霸主的地位才出现的矛盾。而美国认为唯一能够牵制、或者制服、或这个迫使中国妥协的杀手锏就是台湾问题!

让咱们回顾中美关系发展的历史。

中华人民共和国在1949年10月1日宣布成立以来,中美一直无法建立之初关系。

1955年4月万隆亚非会议期间,中国政府总理周恩来发表声明:“中国政府愿意同美国政府坐下来谈判,讨论缓和远东紧张局势,特别是台湾地区的紧张局势的问题。”。

当年7月13日,美国在英国、印度斡旋下作出反应,建议中美双方各派一名大使级代表在日内瓦举行会谈。

1955年8 月1日,中美大使级会谈在日内瓦(后在华沙)举行。中方代表是驻波兰大使王炳南(后由续任驻波兰大使王国权担任),美方代表是驻捷克斯洛伐克大使约翰逊。

会谈有两项议程,一是双方平民回国问题。二是双方有所争执的其他实际问题。

在第二项议程下,各方均可提出它认为应予讨论的直接牵涉到中美双方的问题。

9月I0日,双方就第一项议程达成协议:中美双方承认,在各自国家内的双方平民享有返回的权利,并宣布已经采取并将继续采取适当措施,使他们能够尽速行使其返回的权利,中美两国分别委托印度和英国政府协助中美平民返回本国。

随后,中方提出第二项议程的两个议题,美国禁运问题和中美外长会议讨论缓和台湾地区紧张局势问题。

美方却要求在第二项议程下先讨论所谓“放弃为了达到国家目的而使用武力”问题,由于美方的提案将中美两国在台湾地区的国际争端与中国政府通过和平方式还是使用武力来解决台湾问题的方式这一内政问题混为一谈,由于美方坚持把双方就“互不使用武力”问题达成协议作为讨论禁运问题的先决条件,因而使会谈在第二项议程上陷入僵局。

为推动会谈继续进行,中方从1956年9月到1957年12月先后提出关于促进中美人民往来和文化交流、关于中美两国在平等互惠的基础上准许对方新闻记者前来进行新闻采访、关于彼此给予司法协助等协议声明草案,但均为美方所拒绝。

1957年12月12日,在第73次会议上,美方又以其大使调任为由,委派非大使身份的代表参加会谈,企图降低会谈的级别,致使会谈中断达9个月之久。

1958年6月30日,中国外交部发表声明,要求美方限期派出大使级代表。7月28日,美国指派驻波兰大使比姆为美方代表。9月15日,中美大使级会谈在华沙复会。此后,中美大使级会谈一直断断续续地举行。

中国政府在会谈中始终坚持两项原则:美国政府保证立即从中国领土台湾省和台湾海峡地区撤出它的一切武装力量,拆除它在台湾省的一切军事设施;

美国政府同意中美两国签订关于和平共处五项原则的协定。但是由于美方坚持其干涉中国内政的立场,会谈没能在缓和与消除台湾地区紧张局势这个关键问题上取得任何进展,只是在两国没有外交关系的情况下,成为两国保持某种接触、交换意见的途径。

至1970年2月20日,中美大使级会谈共进行了136次.

中美关系正常化是在美国总统尼克松访问中国、与中国签署了《上海公报》及3份相关文件后开始。随后在中国在联合国恢复其的合法地位、把台湾赶出联合国及所有国际组织。

佩洛斯的窜访台湾是目前中美关系剑拔弩张的导火线吗?

不是!

原因是美国人无法解决俄乌战争,以及前面所说的这场战争引发了世界各国(包括美国与欧洲)的经济陷入低迷不振和政治不稳定。为了摆脱目前的经济危机所带来的政治不稳定,美国人不得打出台湾牌来迫使中国在俄乌战争选边站,以换取中国牺牲与俄罗斯之间 如李显龙所说的 ‘不封顶’的关系!

结语

新加坡是地处亚洲大陆的最南端。新加坡的生存是依附于亚洲各国的经济发展。行动党别无选择,必须在这个问题上自己‘选边站’,没有其他的选择!

  1. 行动党在俄乌战争问题上,响应美国西方国家对俄罗斯的‘制裁’就是跑龙套吧了!——俄罗斯在新俄之间的贸易不过是仅仅1%!
  2. 行动党在中美关系与台湾问题上必须明确:自己不要既要当老鸨又要当婊子!——美国是造成目前台海局势和中美关系紧张的祸源!台湾问题是中国人民的核心利益问题!台湾统一是属于中国人民的内政。用什么方式解决?何时解决?只要美国人公开宣布不干涉,中美之间的其他问题都可以通过协商互惠互利的基础解决!

尊重各国人民的国家主权与领土完整是国与国就澳网的黄金法则

李显龙真的为新加坡人民的安危与福利操心,他就必须是:劝导美国及西方国家看清这一点!亚洲的人民由亚洲人民自己解决!


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美国是中国人民实现祖国统一大业民族复兴的催生婆

前言

8月1日在美国政府和两党的默许和纵容下红毛阿嫲窜访了中国台湾省。

8月4日在中国中央政府领导下,中国人民解放军在中国东海海域进行了围绕台湾省的实弹军事演训后(据悉,实弹军事演训将继续进行。原因另述。)

世界各国,尤其是亚洲国家(特别是亚细安国家)对于目前中美之间发生的战争的可能性都产生极大的忧虑。中美之间发生的战争绝对不是对峙,而是军事对决!

对中美之间见的军事对决问题,首先必须把可能发生中美之间的军事对决的关键性问题搞清楚!

  1. 台湾岛是属于中国的领土。中国人民是在自己国家的领海领空进行实弹军事演训。目的非常明确:是要展示为保卫属于中国不可分割的领土、领空和领海——台湾省;
  2. 台湾岛不是美国的隶属殖民地、或者是保护国。美国不远千里迢迢来中国的领海、领土和领空进行所谓的‘捍卫台湾’的‘主权、独立与民主’,是违背了中美联合公报有关承认:是一巨额上只有一个中国——即中华人民共和国。台湾省是属于中国不可分割的一部分领土!

中国人民是否能够抵御和战胜千里迢迢而来的美帝国主义者?

基于此,中国政府就此问题提出了要求各国政府和人民熟读中国人民百多年的历史。

什么是中国人民百多年的历史?

中国人民百多年的历史就是屹立在中华人民共和国首都天安门广场中央的人民英雄纪念碑!

中国人民抗击外来侵略的史诗。

任何到北京旅游观光或者公干的外国人(包括第一次常驻北京的外国人士)都会、也必然要到纪念碑前面详细观看纪念碑下雕刻的所有图像!

这组石雕雕刻图像是集中概括了一部中国人民百年来反对外来侵略、反对帝国主义、封建主义、殖民主义,争取国家独立、民族尊严、民主、和平与统一的祖国的血泪史!

人民英雄纪念碑用石雕雕刻了中国人民在中国共产党领导下,烈士们前扑后续为抗击外来侵略和蒋介石国民党反动派的残酷毒屠杀与镇压,实现祖国的独立、民主、和平与自由壮烈史诗的光辉历程!

这是中国共产党为纪念中华人民共和国的诞生而付出自己的鲜血和生命的中国各族人民烈士们刻录的一座无名烈士英雄纪念碑!它像所有前来瞻仰者展示了:

  1. 贫穷落后的中国与4亿人民,暂时抛弃彼此间在政治上的所有分歧与对立,在国际反法西斯战线的协助下,经历了8年抗战战胜了日本军国主义;
  2. 经历了10年内战、8年抗战后的中国人民,以不怕牺牲,前仆后续的革命精神,打败了由美国人出钱、派出军事顾问团、先进军事配备,武装了蒋介石国民党反动政权,结果中国人民在中国共产党的领导下,以原定5 年的时间打败国民党,蒋介石最终被迫逃离中国大陆,盘踞在目前的台湾岛以及周边的金门、马祖小岛屿。

甭管您是否熟读中国的百年历史。您到北京旅游或者出差到北京公干的外国人,只要到北京天安门广场中央的人民英雄纪念碑前仔细看看了这组石雕雕刻,您绝对会留下深刻的印象!

中华人民共和国是中国人民在中国共产党的领导下,历经百多年的外国侵略、侮辱与欺凌的顺利果实!一个经济落后贫穷、小米加步枪的中国和人民在面对着拥有强大军事力量的西方国家,中国人民从来就没有畏惧与妥协过!

从1949年10月1日毛泽东在天安门城楼宣布中华人民共和国成立以来,以美国为首的西方帝国主义和殖民主义者从来就没有放弃摧毁新生的共和国!

中国人民经历了美国于50年代在朝鲜半岛发动的韩战、60年代在中印边境发生的中印边界战争、60-70年代在越南、柬埔寨和老挝发动印度支那战争!

这些在中国周边邻国发生的战争最终目的就是要摧毁中华人民共和国!

这就是中国人民百年来近代史!

在台湾海峡围台演训的中国军队与美国西方政客及军舰窜台的“常态化”。

于2022年8月5日,我在《人民论坛》的文章《红毛阿嫲窜访台湾岛为中国人民早日实现祖国统一进入快车道……》(红毛阿嫲窜访台湾岛为中国人民早日实现祖国统一进入快车道…… | 人民论坛 (wordpress.com))说以下这段话:

“谋定而后动——这就是红毛阿嫲窜访台湾的10多小时给台湾带来的‘丰硕成果’!——红毛阿嫲窜访台湾岛打破了美方“反对任何单方面改变台海现状”的主张已经不复存在了!

中国人民亲华和爱我中华者现在应该看得懂,也必然会感激红毛阿嫲的“行为艺术”——因为已经为中国这一代领导人早日实现台湾回归祖国问题进入快车道了!”

中国共产党领导人民实现统一大业原则立场始终如一:

美国人说,将派遣航母将进入台湾岛的中国领海周边海域和穿过台湾海峡。

这说明了什么?

说明了红毛阿嫲窜访台湾绝对不是她的个人犟驴性格所使然。这是美国人有计划、有步骤的向中国进行挑选的组成部分!

为此,中华人民共和国、国务院台湾事务办公室国务院新闻办公室于2022年8月15日发表了《台湾问题与新时代中国统一事业白皮书》(见网址:国务院台办、国务院新闻办联合发表《台湾问题与新时代中国统一事业》白皮书_广州日报大洋网 (dayoo.com))。

中国政府就解决台湾问题的立场与原则始终是一致与一贯的。

以下是中国共产党代表中国人民向台湾同胞发表的《告台湾同胞白皮书》的历史文件:

A.1950年2月28日:第一次《告台湾同胞书》发表,文中明确告知台湾民众,配合人民解放军,共同完成解放台湾的任务。中央军委着手在解放军军政大学专设了台湾队,集中力量培养解放台湾的人才。

B.1958年10月26日:万隆亚非会议召开,周总理代表中国人民向全世界表明,不放弃和平解放台湾的努力。但蒋介石集团仍然痴心妄想、白日做梦,加急着“反攻大陆”的徒劳准备。

1958年,美国一面插手中东事务,一面增加了对蒋的军事扶持,其中还包括40枚导弹等等。7月18日,毛主席决定:炮击金门。8月23日,数百门大炮一齐奔向金门、马祖等地,金门蒋军损失惨重。

面对美国的诡谋,我党领导人决定暂停炮击,并在10月6日在人民日报上发表了第二次《告台湾同胞书》,这由毛主席亲自撰写,文章中不仅说明了发动炮击的缘由,更是重申了一个中国的原则,并严正警告:中国内部的问题应该由中国人自己解决。

C.1958年10月25日:第三次《告台湾同胞书》再次直面台湾民众,告诉所有人“世界上只有一个中国”,而对于美国的歹毒用心,是全国人民都不容许实现的。

D. 1958年11月1日:毛主席又撰写了第四次《告台湾同但不放弃和平解放台湾地区的探索。此时的金门和马祖已经是中国大陆和中国台湾地区相连的胞书》,文中指出坚持炮击金门,坚固“纽带”。美国企图让台湾地区实现“划峡而治”的阴谋在两岸同胞的共同抵制下宣告破产。

以上四篇《告台湾同胞书》发表的时间密集且内容步步深入,不仅将美国的恶臭伎俩给予了无情的揭露,更是让台湾同胞明白中国共产党对于维护祖国统一和领土完整的坚定决心。而后两岸进行的是心照不宣的“和平炮”与“宣传炮”,一直打打停停、停了又打,延续到1979年元旦。

发表的时间密集且内容步步深入,不仅将美国的恶臭伎俩给予了无情的揭露,更是让台湾同胞明白中国共产党对于维护祖国统一和领土完整的坚定决心。而后两岸进行的是心照不宣的“和平炮”与“宣传炮”,一直打打停停、停了又打,延续到1979年元旦。

E.1979年1月1日叶剑英代表中华人民共和国全国人民代表大会常务委员会发表《告台湾同胞书》:第五次《告台湾同胞书》应运中美建交而生。它告诉台湾同胞实现中国的统一是大势所趋。自此,炮击金门终于告一段落,中国两岸的军事对峙结束后更是开放了“两岸三通”,成为两岸关系发展的重要节点。

朱镕基在全国人大第三次会议记者招待会上回答新加坡《联合早报》记者提出有关台湾问题做了如下的回答:(见《朱镕基选集》《朱镕基答记者问》:《2000年3月15日 在全国人大三次会议记者招待会上回答在国外记者提问》第26-27页)。

记者:台湾岛的选举这几天形势发生了一些变化。民进党的候选人陈水扁,声势看涨。请问总理先生,你对台湾岛内选举的最新形势有何看法?

朱镕基:台湾岛选举是地方性的选举,是台湾人民自己的事我们不想干预。但是我们必须讲清楚,不管谁上台,绝对不能搞 ‘台湾独立’,任何形式的‘台湾独立’都不允许.这是我们的底线,也是代表12.亿中国人民的心声.我们解决台湾问题的一贯方针是 “和平统一,一国两制”,但是我们绝不承诺放弃使用武力.谁赞成一个中国的原则.我们就支持谁,我们就跟他谈,什么问题都可以谈,可以让步,让步给中国人嘛!谁要搞 ‘台湾独立’,谁就没有好下场,因为你不得人心,你违背了海峡两岸中国人的人心,你也违背了全世界华裔,华侨的人心。我们中国人都记得,1840鸦片战争以后,中国的一部近代史就是受外来侵略的历史。台湾也是多年处在日本军国主义的统治和占领之下。回想当年。中国是何等的积贫积弱,但是还是喊出来 “起来不愿,做奴隶的人们”,并且为此进行了前仆后续的英勇斗争,看着爆发时,我只有9岁救亡的歌曲,我还记得清清楚楚。每逢唱这些流亡的歌曲,我的眼泪就要流出来,我就充满了要为祖国赴死的的豪情。今天中国人已经站起来了,我们能够允许自古就属于中国领土的台湾从祖国分裂出去吗?绝对不能!

现在,有些人在计算中国人有多少飞机、多少军舰,结论是中国人不敢打,也不会打,按照这个计算。希特勒早已统治全世界啦。他们不懂中国历史。不知道中国人民一定会以鲜血和生命来捍卫祖国的统一和民族的尊严。……

中国实现祖国统一大业是否会触发台海战争全面爆发?

美国人是否会真的保卫台湾?

我相信,美国人、民进党、蓝皮绿骨国民党人,甚至全世界反华反共集团及个人(包括部分新加坡反华反共分子)对这2个问题心里都没底!

因此,在红毛阿嫲窜访和离开台湾后,美国人、民进党、蓝皮绿骨国民党人甚至全世界反华反共集团及个人(包括部分新加坡反华反共分子),开始高唱‘维持台海和平稳定、防止中国的围台可能造成军事严峻擦枪走火’!?

这些人的共同特点是:

当美国人粗暴干涉和阻碍中国人民实现统一大业的斗争时,它们不要求美国人离开亚洲、离开属于中国的领海、领空和领土的台湾岛和台湾海峡区域!或者视而不见,保持缄默!往往在中国开始动真格回击美国人的粗暴干涉内政、挑衅中国底线时,它们就以各种不同的‘维护民主、维持台海局势和平稳定’的‘爱好的姿态’向中国提出各种‘要求与建议’!

可以肯定的是:

  1. 对于美国人粗暴干涉中国人民实现统一大业而导致台海可能爆发战争,中国政府和人民是绝对不会恐惧、畏缩、妥协和投降的!中国共产党、中国政府在发表的5次《告台湾同胞书》里非常明确和清楚认识到,美国人绝对会百般阻扰(包括使用武力)中国人民实现统一大业与民族复兴!所以,他们在《告台湾同胞书》里一再强调,绝对不承诺不放弃不使用武力解决台湾统一的一直立场!
  2. 美国人要利用台湾问题向中国发难,必须自己掂量由此产生的结果,不是后果!
    1. 从日本投降后,40年代中美国在中国国内战争予以国民党蒋介石的军事、经济和政治上的援助的结果是什么?中国共产党以小米加步枪打败了用美国全面武装的蒋介石几百万军队!美国在中国土地上进行的‘代理人战争’,最终以蒋介石‘战略性退守台湾,准备适当时机反功大陆’而结束!
    1. 美国人在中华人民共和国成立后,它们不死心,在中国周边国家继续发动旨在最终包围中华人民共和国的‘代理人战争’,结果是:
      1. 在50年代,在朝鲜半岛发动的‘代理人战争’结果是朝鲜人民在朝鲜半岛诞生了朝鲜民主主义人民共和国;
      1. 60-70年代,在印度支那(越南、柬埔寨和老挝三国)发动的‘代理人战争’,结果的:越南人民推翻了吴挺炎集团实现了南北统一;柬埔寨人民推翻了龙诺集团,恢复诺罗顿.西哈努克亲王一手建立的柬埔寨王国;老挝人民推翻了美国一手扶持的富玛亲王,成立了老挝人民共和国。

这就是亚洲大陆人民反对美国侵略者的斗争历史!

因此,可以肯定,台海战争全面爆发后,台湾的民进党和国民党蓝皮露骨的人绝对会走上逃离台湾、龟缩到美国得道路!这一点不必质疑!

必须指出的是:蓝皮绿骨台湾国民党人都存有侥幸的心态!特别是以马英九为首的亲美反共派。他们既不希望共产党统一中国,也不敢公开拒绝共产党要求尽快实现祖国的统一。他们仅仅希望“维持现状、一中各表”!

为什么?

共产党一旦决定要实现统一,绝对不会像目前一样“倾听台湾同胞”的态度 ,‘倾听’蓝皮绿骨国民党人的‘倾诉“!因为自从连战打破两岸僵局,与胡锦涛“一笑泯千愁”后,该谈的、该听的、该采纳的,共产党人都一一接纳和兑现了!反过来,蓝皮绿骨国民党人却利用共产党的这点‘耐心’继续采取‘维持两岸现状’——‘不统不独’!

台海战争全面爆发美国人一定会保卫台湾吗?老一辈的国民党人(就是随着蒋介石“战略性撤退”到台湾的国民党人及军人)都绝对相信:一旦共产党下定决心,把实现台湾的统一议程摆在台面上,意味着什么?

蓝皮绿骨国民党领导人(不包括连战等)与民进党人一样,他们都未曾在共产党统治下生活、也未曾与共产党在战场交锋过!他们和民进党一样都相信:

他们经历了1948年9月12日到1949年 1月31日面对共产党的三大战役:淮海战役、平津战役和辽沈战役,以及1949年4月21日到6月2日的渡江战役(也就是最终解放军占领南京、蒋介石全面“战略性撤退到台湾”)!这写都是蓝皮绿骨国民党人以及民进党未曾见识过和领教过的!

美国人从来就不会做亏本买卖!绝不会与自己一手抚养起来的傀儡‘同生死、共患难’!

2022年8月4日开始的围绕台湾岛的实弹军事演训已经明确告诉美国人和台湾岛民进党及蓝皮绿骨的国民党人:

宽阔的台湾海峡已经不是1949年当时的台湾海峡了!这一点美国人很清楚!因为今天的中国综合国力(包括政治、经济和军事)已经完全可以不必进行当年的‘渡海战役’就可以瘫痪台湾本岛的一切活动(包括政治、经济和军事)实现祖国的统一大业!

因此美国人的所谓“有能力保卫台湾”就是一句空话!

关键的问题在于:

中国共产党人及中国政府选择什么时候开打?从军队要从那里打开登录台湾的缺口?用什么方式实现统一大业?要如何减少或减低由于开打而给台湾人民造成巨大的生命和经济损失?(当然战争必然会有死人的事情。)该抓谁?该与谁谈判可以和平解决台湾问题?

可以毫不夸张的说:

中国要实现统一大业的愿望已经是72年了。由于美国人长期以来在台湾‘代理人’,通过武力介入,阻止中国人民实现统一大业!导致中国人的统一大业无法实现。台湾回归祖国成了一个‘难产的婴儿’!美国人的武力介入将会、也必然会让中国人民实现祖国的统一大业和民族复兴早日实现!美国人就是这个人民实现国家统一大业的‘催生婆’!

这里顺代补一笔:

一旦中国实现了台湾的统一,也就是,中国的国家领海权范围和经济海域权将从目前的福建、浙江、山东、渤海湾、黄海……等海域直接恢复到台湾以东,面向太平洋,遥望美国太平洋的西海岸!这也是美国人和日本人所不希望看到的结局,但是他们别无选择必须接受与看到!


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“I went through the hoops of detention without trial for 13 years long”

Source: 庄明湖@sahabatrakyatmy.blogspot.com

Written by Chng Min Oh @ Zhuang Ming Hu

Translated by Ang Pei Shan

This article is translated from original version in Chinese language. In the case of any discrepancy between the English rendition and the original Chinese version, the Chinese version shall prevail.

Function 8, a Human Rights organisation based in Singapore interviewed Chng Min Oh @ Zhuang Ming Hu in 2016. The recorded video interview was then uploaded to YouTube.

Chng Min Oh is the author of the book (originally written in Chinese) entitled “Probing Into The Sufferings Of Singapore`s Left-Wing Labour Movement In The 1960s”. Its English rendition was published by Sahabat Rakyat Committee in 2020.

This article was written by Chng Min Oh @ Zhuang Ming Hu 2 years back (March 2020) in commemoration of the 50th anniversary of his detention under ISA (Internal Security Act). The writer originally handed it over to an old friend of his to be included in a Souvenir Issue of a camp event of Old Friends organised in that year (2020). The 85-year-old writer: Chng Min Oh was formerly a veteran trade unionist in Singapore. He is now a registered TCM physician in Singapore. 

To the Editorial of Sahabat Rakyat

Hello comrades!

3 August 2022 marks the 52nd anniversary of my long-term detention without trial in the 1960s. I wish to take the opportunity of the anniversary to express my indictment against the Singapore authorities on the persecution of me and my family (my personal experience is only the tip of the iceberg of political detainees persecuted by the Singapore authorities). Therefore, I hope that your blog could consider publishing the following article ” I went through the hoops of detention without trial for 13 years” in early August (hereinafter referred to as “Went through the hoops”).

I penned “Went through the hoops” for the following reasons:

  1. In early 2020, after watching the video interview by Function 8, a human rights organisation pertaining to my long-term imprisonment, a good friend of mine suggested me to convert the content of the interview into a transcript and distribute to the old friends who do not know how to surf the Internet. I agreed.
  2. At the same time, old friend Chng Wee Thian @ Chng Ler Thian told me that some former political detainees from the political detention camp of Kemunting, Taiping, Malaysia decided to organise a “Political detainees camp 2020” gathering in July, and publish the “Souvenir Issue of The Former Political Detainees Camp 2020”. Wong Kwai Man, the old friend in charge of the publication of the “Souvenir Issue” asked Chng Wee Thian to suggest me to convert the content of the above-mentioned video interview into a transcript for publication in the “Souvenir Issue”. I concurred.

In early March 2020, upon the completion of the article, I distributed a few copies to the old friends whom I am in close contact with. Chng Wee Thian also passed it to Wang Kwai Man, the person in charge of “Souvenir Issue”. As the Covid pandemic worsened, the abovementioned gathering and the publication of the ” Souvenir Issue ” were postponed. Until mid-June of this year (2022), I am glad to know that both the gathering and ” Souvenir Issue” will resume in mid-October.

After finished writing “Went through the Hoops” in March 2020, my plan back then was to first publish it in the ” Souvenir Issue”, and followed by the web.

However, in view of the unpredictability of the pandemic, it is hard to tell whether the abovementioned gathering and the publication of “Souvenir Issue” will be further delayed by then (October this year). As such, I now choose to publish on the web first. Such arrangement gained the kind understanding and acknowledgement by the person in charge of the “Souvenir Issue”.

Thanks in advance! Wishing you good health!

Chng Min Oh  10 July 2022

I went through the hoops of detention without trial for 13 years long

In 2016, lawyer Teo Soh Lung, person in charge of “Function 8 Ltd”, a civil human rights organisation in Singapore, and her two teammates came to my TCM clinic to conduct a video interview about my experience of long-term imprisonment. The video recording of the interview was then uploaded to the Internet. A good friend of mine came to me after seeing this video on the Internet and said that our friends are all elderly, and most of them do not know how to surf the Internet. He suggested that I convert them into transcript, print and distribute them. I agreed. When I started writing, I realised most of the interviews were self-narration and in oral expression, some paragraphs were repetitive, and some paragraphs were not exhaustive. Therefore, in order to meet the requirements of a transcript and the complete logic of words and sentences, this article is based on the transcript of the above video interviews, with some deletions, additions and modifications.

I was arrested on 3 August 1970

My name is Chng Min Oh, I was detained on 3 August 1970. That night while I was having dinner at home, two Internal Security Department (ISD) officers took me away. They said nothing except “You are under arrest”. In late 1960s to early 1970s, I was active in the Singapore Gold and Silversmiths’ Union, a left-wing trade union. I was its chairman at the time of detention. 

At that time, brute force was not used on me so I did not resist. Reason being is that I had a hunch that I might be arrested soon as a comrade of mine from the same trade union Tan Sin / Chen Xin @ Tan Seng Hin was detained two months back. I was already mentally prepared that I may be detained too. I was not afraid, if the authority wants to arrest me, so be it. As I did not resist, they did not handcuff me. Two ISD officers, one on my right, the other on my left led me to a car park nearby my house. I was brought to Internal Security Department and then detained at the Central Police Station.

Picture above is the first order of detention without trial under the Internal Security Act (ISA) issued to Chng Min Oh by the Singapore Home Ministry on 2 September 1970. An extended detention order was issued every two years thereafter until he was released on 7 August 1983.

I was detained at the Central Police Station for about a month. No officer came to see me. I saw only those policemen who delivered my meals. After a month, they began to see me to issue a detention order for two years. That evening I was taken from the Central Police Station to the Moon Crescent Detention Centre (MCC). I was very happy to finally reach the prison! But it was short-lived. After a night of solitary confinement, the next morning I was brought back to Central Police Station for another round of solitary confinement. My solitary confinement cell was a mere 10 square feet. I was let out only for shower and toilet. I was not given pillow nor blanket. I was also not allowed to exercise (outside the cell).

After I was detained for 45 days, they started to interrogate me but not to get my confession. At the beginning, the ISD officers were not rude, they gently expressed that they wanted to help me to get out, they wanted me to “solve some problems” with them. They did not say how to “solve those problems”. I replied, “Since you detained me, so just release me and your problems will be solved.” They said, “It is not that simple. You must give suggestions on how to resolve those problems.” 

So I said, “There’s nothing to discuss. If you want to lock me up, so be it.” Then they got really mad and started reprimanding me. They said, “We want to help you to resolve the problem, but you refuse!” I replied “There isn’t any problem if you don’t detain me. Isn’t it ridiculous when you detained me in the first place, then say ‘help me to get out’, and need me to ‘resolve problems’!”

Then they started to taunt me “You are afraid of going out”, “Your wife is having a difficult time, so you are afraid to bear the responsibility”, “Your children and your wife need your care, you don’t want to go out, you are afraid of the hard life outside, you don’t dare to go out, you have no conscience and don’t care about the life and death of your wife and children” and so on, a lot of insults to my dignity. I replied, “It’s you who imprison me. I didn’t come here voluntarily.” “If you release me and I don’t want to leave, then you’ll have the right to say so!”

Deprivation of my citizenship upon confession

After around 10 sessions of such insulting interrogation, they started to get statement from me. They then deprived me of my citizenship. I was taken back to the interrogation room after that. They said, “Your citizenship is now deprived, you better apply to return to China (because I was born in China). We can help transport your family to China.” I said, “No way, I am Malayan, I will not go back to China.”

“If you don’t go to China, we will force you to.”

I said, “You can try. When the ship arrives (in China), I will not embark.” 

After this round of interrogation, they didn’t force me anymore. They didn’t take me to the interrogation room, and didn’t ask me any more questions, the interrogation was over.

In fact, the interrogation process on me was quite simple. Why didn’t they force a confession out of me like the others? I think that firstly, I have no links to underground (Malayan Communist Party) activities. My activities were above-board (legal organisation).

Secondly, they knew that I was not a threat to them (the government). Yet they still arrested me hoping that the difficult financial circumstances my family was in would make me succumb under detention and accept their conditions for release. But I am not such kind of person. Some people were detained, maybe because of their underground activities, or because they were preparing to launch a struggle. If they were caught, they may face forced confession, forcing you to answer what you have done and what are you planning to do.

I was arrested on 3 August 1970. The left-wing movement then was already very weak and had developed into a serious schism. In the second half of 1960s, I was already one of the activists in the left-wing trade unions. As I opposed to the radical line of struggle of Lee Siew Choh led Barisan Sosialis Singapore, I was then suppressed, and accused by Lee Siew Choh and his followers for being a People’s Action Party (PAP) agent, proxy and so on. I no longer had influence in Singapore. Since I was of no significance in any anti-government struggle, why was I arrested? The main reason is, even though you have no influence you are still part of the movement. You would still be detained and offered “enlistment”. And once you give up your belief and succumb, your political life is finished. I guess that was the main reason for my detention, i.e. to destroy me politically so that I can’t live with dignity.

I was determined that I would rather be detained than accept “enlistment

Although they did not specify how to resolve those problems, but I knew what they meant about “resolving problems”. For instance, among the political detainees released from prison, some had issued confessions on television, some had signed public statement of “confession” or “repentance”, making remarks that went against their conscience. I knew that I was just detained, and I would probably be asked to accept a similar way of surrendering to solve the problem. I guessed at the time that they would ask me to go on TV to express my repentance or sign a public repentance statement, and it couldn’t have come out of low-level compromises (and not possible to be freed with a low-level way of compromise) (such as joining the Ex-Political Detainees’ Association, signing Restriction orders of political activities and living (signing of political activities and life restriction terms)). 

So I was eventually put in Moon Crescent Detention Centre. Whenever the two-year period was up, I was then issued with a new detention order for another two years. Every time not long after the new detention order was issued, they would bring me from the prison to solitary confinement. In the beginning, it was in the detention centre of the Central Police Station and then to Whitley Road Holding Centre. This was how I was mentally abused in solitary confinement every two years. This was very inhumane. Because in solitary confinement, I was not allowed to read books and newspapers. I was not given blanket nor pillow. From time to time, I was brought to the interrogation room for so-called “brainwashing”, which was a torture of mental bombardment, insulting my self-esteem, trying to force me to compromise and surrender, and accepting their “enlistment”, but I refused every single one.

It went on until around late August 1978 (after I was detained for 8 years) when I was again transferred from Moon Crescent Detention Centre to Whitley Road Holding Centre. I thought it was solitary confinement again, which is more suffering compared to imprisonment, because the Whitley Road Holding Centre solitary confinement is worse (compared to Central Police Detention Centre). As I was being escorted, I thought, if this is still the same this time, I’m going to resist, I can’t let them do it. Because the purpose of taking me there to solitary confinement was to force me to give up my beliefs and unable to live an open-hearted and above-board life. I was determined that I would rather continue to be detained than accepting “enlistment”.

Went on a hunger strike to protest “solitary confinement”

I was locked up in this tiny cell, about 10×6 feet. It was too warm and we were not allowed out to go out for exercise. I requested to read the books I brought but was denied. The next day I started to sing loudly. The agent then asked, “Why are you singing”. I said, “Singing is my exercise. Since you refused to let me out to exercise, I sing in order to exercise my body. If not, I will fall sick.”
So they warned me, “If you dare to sing again, we will punish you!” So I gave them an ultimatum that in 3 days they are to bring my books to me and to let me exercise. But they ignored me. On the third day, I went on a hunger strike. I shouted, “I am Chng Min Oh. I am on hunger strike, I protest this ill-treatment! I demand to be taken back to the prison.”

Then, another political detainee, Ho Koon Kiang detained not far from my cell, also staged a hunger strike. He made a similar demand to be sent to prison. Both of us started our hunger strike on 3 September 1978. About a week later, they brought us to Changi Prison Hospital.

During that week of hunger strike in Whitley Road Holding Centre I was beaten up twice. The first beating, I was taken to the interrogation room where more than 10 angry men surrounded me. One of them hit my chest and kicked my private part. 

“You are here to make trouble”, they said.

I said, “I am no trouble-maker. I just want to be in the prison.” After the beating, I was taken back to the cell.

After two days, another officer a Deputy Director (his surname was reportedly Foo) entered my cell and barked, “Why are you not eating?”

I replied, “I want to go back to the prison! I object to my solitary confinement here!”

“That depends on whether you are going to eat or not!”, he said.

I said, “Take me back to the prison and then I’ll eat! I am not eating to protest your ill-treatment!”

So he used both hands to smash my ears for around 20 times, causing my hearing loss for a few days. I still have the sequelae of poor hearing. I wasn’t allowed to go out to urinate, they took a potty for me to urinate in instead.  At that time, I was sitting on the bed, and after beating, they poured the urine all over my head. My head, whole body and bed were covered with urine. I was not allowed to shower so stank for a few days until I was brought to Changi Hospital, only then I could take the shower. 

After a week of hunger strike, Ho Koon Kiang and I were sent to the Changi Prison Hospital on the same day but separately, not together. The hospital had two floors. I was detained downstairs together with other patients and him upstairs, on his own.  

At that time, the main purpose of our hunger strike was, firstly, “Stop the ill treatment and take us back to prison”. Secondly, to expose the authorities for using of the usual means of solitary confinement to force political detainees to compromise and surrender. In the hospital, we insisted on “Continue the hunger strike until we are moved back to the prison.” As a result, we were brought back to the Moon Crescent Detention Centre after going on hunger strike for 84 days. 

In the first 14 days of our hunger strike, we refused to eat but we drank water. From the 15th day, we refused to eat and drink. Doctor from the Changi Prison Hospital persuaded us to eat, we responded, “Return to the prison (detention centre), only then we will eat.”

After about 20 days, they started to force-feed us milk. On the first day of force-feeding milk, the chief of the prison and 7 to 8 prison officers came. One grabbed my hands, another my legs and used handcuffs to secure my hands to the bed. Another officer pressed hard on my head and shoulder till I could not move. They had to prise open my mouth using metal spoon which I kept tightly shut, it wasn’t successful. Then they tried inserting a tube through my nose straight to my stomach but still failing as I kept struggling by shaking my head. At last they still managed to force-feed me milk.

We heard that there were political detainees who died when they struggled during tube insertion to their nose, causing the tubes to accidentally puncture their lungs. Hence I thought, we must protest when we were force-fed. We must struggle, but we could not escape being force-fed. I would die if the tube accidentally puncture my lung. There wasn’t a need to die under such circumstances, hence only they managed to force feed me. They did this twice everyday. The next day, the nurse who force fed me said, “Mr Zhuang, do not struggle and cooperate, please. We are going to insert the tube. If you keep on struggling, the tube may puncture the lung and you may die. It’s not worth it, please cooperate with us.”

I think what he said made sense. So I negotiated with him, I didn’t voluntarily let you do this, so before you force-feed me, I want to shout a slogan. He agreed. So every time before I was inserted a tube, I would shout in Chinese and English, “We protest against the torture of political detainees! We demand to be taken back to the prison! We protest …”

Since then, every time when the nurse came to force feed milk, he would half-jokingly say, “Say your prayer.” After I finished shouting the slogan, the nurse would then insert a tube through my nose from mouth to the stomach to force-feed me milk, and removed the tube after it was done. They did this twice everyday.

My feeling about “Solitary Confinement”

Someone asked me, how do you feel about solitary confinement? My answer is: If I didn’t have a strong resentment with my solitary confinement, do you think I would risk my life and go on an 84-day hunger strike? Without strong resentment, it is impossible. Moreover, the hunger strike in prison is different from the hunger strike in the ISD, especially the hunger strike at the Whitley Road Holding Centre, where people were dragged and beaten to death at any time.

I was detained at the Whitley Road Holding Centre three times. I went on hunger strike the second time. The third time I went there, I was no longer in solitary confinement but a big cell with a cell mate instead. I was then brought to the house of the Chief Police Officer until released.

I did not accept any conditions for my release. It was only 5 to 6 years after I was detained that the authorities told me, “You have to accept six conditions for your release.” I refused. This went on for some time. Finally they offered a bargain. “It’s fine if you don’t accept the conditions, but you must join the Ex-Political Detainees’ Association as the only condition.” Again, I refused. 

Finally they said, “Since you refuse this and that, our President has the power to force you accept four conditions and release you. If you don’t abide, we will charge you in the court.” I said, “I refuse to accept any condition.” They said, “We will issue you a letter of the conditions. But you must sign. Your signature only meant that you acknowledge the receipt, not accepting the conditions.” I told them “I don’t want to sign. I can’t read English. If I sign, you can turn around and say that I’ve ‘accepted the conditions’, so I won’t sign.” 

My stance on the 4 Restriction Orders for my release

They had four restriction orders for my release. They put it very nicely. You can take part in politics, such as Workers’ Party type of politics, but not Communist Party politics. I said I have never been involved in Communist Party. Participating in political activities is my democratic right. I will insist this whether your permit me or not. I will not abide by the restriction orders. If you want, you can take me in court. Among the four restrictions was prohibiting contact with other former political detainees. In fact, I met with former political detainees on the next day right after my release. No action was taken against me.

I still remember that on the day of my release, they gave me a Restriction Orders document, and forced me to sign as acknowledgement of receipt. In fact, I have long known that signing the above-mentioned release conditions or not is not a matter of principle and did not go against my political position. But at that critical juncture when I was just about to be released from the prison and heading home, and I was forced to acknowledge the receipt, it seemed to me that they regarded this as my position on whether or not I would compromise. Therefore, I was determined to resist to the end. I said, I have already said that I won’t sign. If you want to release me, I will leave, I will go home, otherwise, take me back to the prison! In the end, I insisted on not signing, and they released me anyway.

It is worth mentioning that the authorities did not inform my wife of my release. Instead they informed my younger brother. Why so? I guess that the authorities might want to force me to sign at a critical moment. If my wife was there, she would dissuade me if I wanted to sign. According to common sense, my younger brother, who was a senior civil servant, would not go against the will of the ISD to persecute me, who knows he might even persuade me to sign. Fortunately, my brother just sat quietly, not saying a single word.

A year after my release, one day in September 1984, ISD officers came by to my house and issued me a notice to inform me that my Restriction Orders have been lifted. Before they issued me this, they sent a female officer to my house and asked me to go Phoenix Park (ISD HQ). I told her I would not go. 

Then someone from the ISD phoned me and said, “Chng Min Oh, we have a good news for you.”

“What is the good news?”, I asked.

He said, “We are considering to cancel your Restriction Orders.”

I said, “I have never accepted it in the first place. So cancellation makes no difference.”

He said, “Come to Phoenix Park. We will notify you officially.”

I said, “I have never accepted it in the first place. This notice makes no difference.” Twice they had asked me to go to Phoenix Park, I did not go. So finally, a male special agent came to my house to issue me a notice. Again, I refused to sign. I said, “I did not sign the first notice of the Restriction Orders, so why should I sign this notice of cancellation of the Restriction Orders?”

My wife’s death was the result of the persecution by the PAP Government

Even though I was imprisoned, living condition was harsher on my wife, Tan Cheng Nui @ Chen Jing Lian. She suffered much more. For example, I need not worry about food, clothing and lodging. Three meals were delivered to me. When I was detained, we had two daughters. One was 4 years old, the other 5 years old. My wife was 3-months pregnant. She had a weak heart and was not able to work.

How weak she was? We lived in the second floor of the HDB Flat. Just to walk up to the second floor of our house, she would pant. She had to stop 4 times before she could complete the climb. How could she cope with working? Hence, I was the sole breadwinner. I can imagine how tough her life was after I was detained.

Not long after I was detained, in mid-January 1971, there was a meeting of Commonwealth Heads of Government held in Singapore. This led to a public demonstration. Some of the family members of political detainees went to the meeting place petitioning for the release of political detainees. Although my wife was weak and pregnant, she also brought our 4-year-old daughter to participate. They participated several times. She and our younger daughter had been arrested in the police station and once even in Changi Women’s Prison. So her life would not be calmer than mine. She was originally a sewing worker. After giving birth, she quit the job as a sewing worker with little income, and went to a construction site to work as a steel worker with better paid, so that she could raise the family.

Reinforcing steel bars is a heavy work. Imagine how hard it must be for her with a weak heart to do heavy rebar work. That’s how she endured. When I was detained at the Whitley Road Holding Centre 8 or 9 years after my arrest, she visited me, got off the car at the side of the road and could not walk up the slope to the holding centre. She then had to ask the Taxi driver to take me to the door of the centre. At that time, she was already very weak from overwork

I was detained at the Central Police Station for about a month. No officer came to see me. I saw only those policemen who delivered my meals. After a month, they began to see me to issue a detention order for two years. That evening I was taken from the Central Police Station to the Moon Crescent Detention Centre (MCC). I was very happy to finally reach the prison! But it was short-lived. After a night of solitary confinement, the next morning I was brought back to Central Police Station for another round of solitary confinement. My solitary confinement cell was a mere 10 square feet. I was let out only for shower and toilet. I was not given pillow nor blanket. I was also not allowed to exercise (outside the cell).

After I was detained for 45 days, they started to interrogate me but not to get my confession. At the beginning, the ISD officers were not rude, they gently expressed that they wanted to help me to get out, they wanted me to “solve some problems” with them. They did not say how to “solve those problems”. I replied, “Since you detained me, so just release me and your problems will be solved.” They said, “It is not that simple. You must give suggestions on how to resolve those problems.” 

So I said, “There’s nothing to discuss. If you want to lock me up, so be it.” Then they got really mad and started reprimanding me. They said, “We want to help you to resolve the problem, but you refuse!” I replied “There isn’t any problem if you don’t detain me. Isn’t it ridiculous when you detained me in the first place, then say ‘help me to get out’, and need me to ‘resolve problems’!”

Then they started to taunt me “You are afraid of going out”, “Your wife is having a difficult time, so you are afraid to bear the responsibility”, “Your children and your wife need your care, you don’t want to go out, you are afraid of the hard life outside, you don’t dare to go out, you have no conscience and don’t care about the life and death of your wife and children” and so on, a lot of insults to my dignity. I replied, “It’s you who imprison me. I didn’t come here voluntarily.” “If you release me and I don’t want to leave, then you’ll have the right to say so!”

Deprivation of my citizenship upon confession

After around 10 sessions of such insulting interrogation, they started to get statement from me. They then deprived me of my citizenship. I was taken back to the interrogation room after that. They said, “Your citizenship is now deprived, you better apply to return to China (because I was born in China). We can help transport your family to China.” I said, “No way, I am Malayan, I will not go back to China.”

“If you don’t go to China, we will force you to.”

I said, “You can try. When the ship arrives (in China), I will not embark.” 

After this round of interrogation, they didn’t force me anymore. They didn’t take me to the interrogation room, and didn’t ask me any more questions, the interrogation was over.

In fact, the interrogation process on me was quite simple. Why didn’t they force a confession out of me like the others? I think that firstly, I have no links to underground (Malayan Communist Party) activities. My activities were above-board (legal organisation).

Secondly, they knew that I was not a threat to them (the government). Yet they still arrested me hoping that the difficult financial circumstances my family was in would make me succumb under detention and accept their conditions for release. But I am not such kind of person. Some people were detained, maybe because of their underground activities, or because they were preparing to launch a struggle. If they were caught, they may face forced confession, forcing you to answer what you have done and what are you planning to do.

I was arrested on 3 August 1970. The left-wing movement then was already very weak and had developed into a serious schism. In the second half of 1960s, I was already one of the activists in the left-wing trade unions. As I opposed to the radical line of struggle of Lee Siew Choh led Barisan Sosialis Singapore, I was then suppressed, and accused by Lee Siew Choh and his followers for being a People’s Action Party (PAP) agent, proxy and so on. I no longer had influence in Singapore. Since I was of no significance in any anti-government struggle, why was I arrested? The main reason is, even though you have no influence you are still part of the movement. You would still be detained and offered “enlistment”. And once you give up your belief and succumb, your political life is finished. I guess that was the main reason for my detention, i.e. to destroy me politically so that I can’t live with dignity.

I was determined that I would rather be detained than accept “enlistment”

Although they did not specify how to resolve those problems, but I knew what they meant about “resolving problems”. For instance, among the political detainees released from prison, some had issued confessions on television, some had signed public statement of “confession” or “repentance”, making remarks that went against their conscience. I knew that I was just detained, and I would probably be asked to accept a similar way of surrendering to solve the problem. I guessed at the time that they would ask me to go on TV to express my repentance or sign a public repentance statement, and it couldn’t have come out of low-level compromises (and not possible to be freed with a low-level way of compromise) (such as joining the Ex-Political Detainees’ Association, signing Restriction orders of political activities and living (signing of political activities and life restriction terms)). 

So I was eventually put in Moon Crescent Detention Centre. Whenever the two-year period was up, I was then issued with a new detention order for another two years. Every time not long after the new detention order was issued, they would bring me from the prison to solitary confinement. In the beginning, it was in the detention centre of the Central Police Station and then to Whitley Road Holding Centre. This was how I was mentally abused in solitary confinement every two years. This was very inhumane. Because in solitary confinement, I was not allowed to read books and newspapers. I was not given blanket nor pillow. From time to time, I was brought to the interrogation room for so-called “brainwashing”, which was a torture of mental bombardment, insulting my self-esteem, trying to force me to compromise and surrender, and accepting their “enlistment”, but I refused every single one.

It went on until around late August 1978 (after I was detained for 8 years) when I was again transferred from Moon Crescent Detention Centre to Whitley Road Holding Centre. I thought it was solitary confinement again, which is more suffering compared to imprisonment, because the Whitley Road Holding Centre solitary confinement is worse (compared to Central Police Detention Centre). As I was being escorted, I thought, if this is still the same this time, I’m going to resist, I can’t let them do it. Because the purpose of taking me there to solitary confinement was to force me to give up my beliefs and unable to live an open-hearted and above-board life. I was determined that I would rather continue to be detained than accepting “enlistment”.

Went on a hunger strike to protest “solitary confinement”

I was locked up in this tiny cell, about 10×6 feet. It was too warm and we were not allowed out to go out for exercise. I requested to read the books I brought but was denied. The next day I started to sing loudly. The agent then asked, “Why are you singing”. I said, “Singing is my exercise. Since you refused to let me out to exercise, I sing in order to exercise my body. If not, I will fall sick.”

So they warned me, “If you dare to sing again, we will punish you!” So I gave them an ultimatum that in 3 days they are to bring my books to me and to let me exercise. But they ignored me. On the third day, I went on a hunger strike. I shouted, “I am Chng Min Oh. I am on hunger strike, I protest this ill-treatment! I demand to be taken back to the prison.”

Then, another political detainee, Ho Koon Kiang detained not far from my cell, also staged a hunger strike. He made a similar demand to be sent to prison. Both of us started our hunger strike on 3 September 1978. About a week later, they brought us to Changi Prison Hospital.

During that week of hunger strike in Whitley Road Holding Centre I was beaten up twice. The first beating, I was taken to the interrogation room where more than 10 angry men surrounded me. One of them hit my chest and kicked my private part. 

“You are here to make trouble”, they said.

I said, “I am no trouble-maker. I just want to be in the prison.” After the beating, I was taken back to the cell.

After two days, another officer a Deputy Director (his surname was reportedly Foo) entered my cell and barked, “Why are you not eating?”

I replied, “I want to go back to the prison! I object to my solitary confinement here!”

“That depends on whether you are going to eat or not!”, he said.

I said, “Take me back to the prison and then I’ll eat! I am not eating to protest your ill-treatment!”

So he used both hands to smash my ears for around 20 times, causing my hearing loss for a few days. I still have the sequelae of poor hearing. I wasn’t allowed to go out to urinate, they took a potty for me to urinate in instead.  At that time, I was sitting on the bed, and after beating, they poured the urine all over my head. My head, whole body and bed were covered with urine. I was not allowed to shower so stank for a few days until I was brought to Changi Hospital, only then I could take the shower. 

After a week of hunger strike, Ho Koon Kiang and I were sent to the Changi Prison Hospital on the same day but separately, not together. The hospital had two floors. I was detained downstairs together with other patients and him upstairs, on his own.                                         At that time, the main purpose of our hunger strike was, firstly, “Stop the ill treatment and take us back to prison”. Secondly, to expose the authorities for using of the usual means of solitary confinement to force political detainees to compromise and surrender. In the hospital, we insisted on “Continue the hunger strike until we are moved back to the prison.” As a result, we were brought back to the Moon Crescent Detention Centre after going on hunger strike for 84 days. 

In the first 14 days of our hunger strike, we refused to eat but we drank water. From the 15th day, we refused to eat and drink. Doctor from the Changi Prison Hospital persuaded us to eat, we responded, “Return to the prison (detention centre), only then we will eat.”

After about 20 days, they started to force-feed us milk. On the first day of force-feeding milk, the chief of the prison and 7 to 8 prison officers came. One grabbed my hands, another my legs and used handcuffs to secure my hands to the bed. Another officer pressed hard on my head and shoulder till I could not move. They had to prise open my mouth using metal spoon which I kept tightly shut, it wasn’t successful. Then they tried inserting a tube through my nose straight to my stomach but still failing as I kept struggling by shaking my head. At last they still managed to force-feed me milk.

We heard that there were political detainees who died when they struggled during tube insertion to their nose, causing the tubes to accidentally puncture their lungs. Hence I thought, we must protest when we were force-fed. We must struggle, but we could not escape being force-fed. I would die if the tube accidentally puncture my lung. There wasn’t a need to die under such circumstances, hence only they managed to force feed me. They did this twice everyday. The next day, the nurse who force fed me said, “Mr Zhuang, do not struggle and cooperate, please. We are going to insert the tube. If you keep on struggling, the tube may puncture the lung and you may die. It’s not worth it, please cooperate with us.”

I think what he said made sense. So I negotiated with him, I didn’t voluntarily let you do this, so before you force-feed me, I want to shout a slogan. He agreed. So every time before I was inserted a tube, I would shout in Chinese and English, “We protest against the torture of political detainees! We demand to be taken back to the prison! We protest …”

Since then, every time when the nurse came to force feed milk, he would half-jokingly say, “Say your prayer.” After I finished shouting the slogan, the nurse would then insert a tube through my nose from mouth to the stomach to force-feed me milk, and removed the tube after it was done. They did this twice everyday.

My feeling about “Solitary Confinement”

Someone asked me, how do you feel about solitary confinement? My answer is: If I didn’t have a strong resentment with my solitary confinement, do you think I would risk my life and go on an 84-day hunger strike? Without strong resentment, it is impossible. Moreover, the hunger strike in prison is different from the hunger strike in the ISD, especially the hunger strike at the Whitley Road Holding Centre, where people were dragged and beaten to death at any time.

I was detained at the Whitley Road Holding Centre three times. I went on hunger strike the second time. The third time I went there, I was no longer in solitary confinement but a big cell with a cell mate instead. I was then brought to the house of the Chief Police Officer until released.

I did not accept any conditions for my release. It was only 5 to 6 years after I was detained that the authorities told me, “You have to accept six conditions for your release.” I refused. This went on for some time. Finally they offered a bargain. “It’s fine if you don’t accept the conditions, but you must join the Ex-Political Detainees’ Association as the only condition.” Again, I refused. 

Finally they said, “Since you refuse this and that, our President has the power to force you accept four conditions and release you. If you don’t abide, we will charge you in the court.” I said, “I refuse to accept any condition.” They said, “We will issue you a letter of the conditions. But you must sign. Your signature only meant that you acknowledge the receipt, not accepting the conditions.” I told them “I don’t want to sign. I can’t read English. If I sign, you can turn around and say that I’ve ‘accepted the conditions’, so I won’t sign.” 

My stance on the 4 Restriction Orders for my release

They had four restriction orders for my release. They put it very nicely. You can take part in politics, such as Workers’ Party type of politics, but not Communist Party politics. I said I have never been involved in Communist Party. Participating in political activities is my democratic right. I will insist this whether your permit me or not. I will not abide by the restriction orders. If you want, you can take me in court. Among the four restrictions was prohibiting contact with other former political detainees. In fact, I met with former political detainees on the next day right after my release. No action was taken against me.

I still remember that on the day of my release, they gave me a Restriction Orders document, and forced me to sign as acknowledgement of receipt. In fact, I have long known that signing the above-mentioned release conditions or not is not a matter of principle and did not go against my political position. But at that critical juncture when I was just about to be released from the prison and heading home, and I was forced to acknowledge the receipt, it seemed to me that they regarded this as my position on whether or not I would compromise. Therefore, I was determined to resist to the end. I said, I have already said that I won’t sign. If you want to release me, I will leave, I will go home, otherwise, take me back to the prison! In the end, I insisted on not signing, and they released me anyway.

It is worth mentioning that the authorities did not inform my wife of my release. Instead they informed my younger brother. Why so? I guess that the authorities might want to force me to sign at a critical moment. If my wife was there, she would dissuade me if I wanted to sign. According to common sense, my younger brother, who was a senior civil servant, would not go against the will of the ISD to persecute me, who knows he might even persuade me to sign. Fortunately, my brother just sat quietly, not saying a single word.

A year after my release, one day in September 1984, ISD officers came by to my house and issued me a notice to inform me that my Restriction Orders have been lifted. Before they issued me this, they sent a female officer to my house and asked me to go Phoenix Park (ISD HQ). I told her I would not go. 

Then someone from the ISD phoned me and said, “Chng Min Oh, we have a good news for you.”

“What is the good news?”, I asked.

He said, “We are considering to cancel your Restriction Orders.”

I said, “I have never accepted it in the first place. So cancellation makes no difference.”

He said, “Come to Phoenix Park. We will notify you officially.”

I said, “I have never accepted it in the first place. This notice makes no difference.” Twice they had asked me to go to Phoenix Park, I did not go. So finally, a male special agent came to my house to issue me a notice. Again, I refused to sign. I said, “I did not sign the first notice of the Restriction Orders, so why should I sign this notice of cancellation of the Restriction Orders?0”

My wife’s death was the result of the persecution by the PAP Government

Even though I was imprisoned, living condition was harsher on my wife, Tan Cheng Nui @ Chen Jing Lian. She suffered much more. For example, I need not worry about food, clothing and lodging. Three meals were delivered to me. When I was detained, we had two daughters. One was 4 years old, the other 5 years old. My wife was 3-months pregnant. She had a weak heart and was not able to work.

How weak she was? We lived in the second floor of the HDB Flat. Just to walk up to the second floor of our house, she would pant. She had to stop 4 times before she could complete the climb. How could she cope with working? Hence, I was the sole breadwinner. I can imagine how tough her life was after I was detained.

Not long after I was detained, in mid-January 1971, there was a meeting of Commonwealth Heads of Government held in Singapore. This led to a public demonstration. Some of the family members of political detainees went to the meeting place petitioning for the release of political detainees. Although my wife was weak and pregnant, she also brought our 4-year-old daughter to participate. They participated several times. She and our younger daughter had been arrested in the police station and once even in Changi Women’s Prison. So her life would not be calmer than mine. She was originally a sewing worker. After giving birth, she quit the job as a sewing worker with little income, and went to a construction site to work as a steel worker with better paid, so that she could raise the family.

Reinforcing steel bars is a heavy work. Imagine how hard it must be for her with a weak heart to do heavy rebar work. That’s how she endured. When I was detained at the Whitley Road Holding Centre 8 or 9 years after my arrest, she visited me, got off the car at the side of the road and could not walk up the slope to the holding centre. She then had to ask the Taxi driver to take me to the door of the centre. At that time, she was already very weak from overwork

Conclusion: The broad masses should oppose the Internal Security Act!

It is not only detainees like us who were victimised by ISA. Weren’t my wife and my daughters also victims? The ISA – it is not just up to the former detainees like us to oppose it as those participating in the struggle for the democratic rights of the people who have not been detained may also face it one day. You have to oppose it. It is a national problem.

The author (first from the left) attended the 50th Anniversary of Operation Cold Store event at Hong Lim Park, Singapore in 2013. He was invited to deliver a speech at the event.  Via the narration of the sufferings of himself and his family, Chng denounced the reactionary nature and brutality of the PAP ruling clique to suppress their political rivals and dissidents with ISA. More than 700 ex-political detainees, their relatives and friends attended the event. Picture above shows part of the event. (Source: screenshot taken from YouTube video)


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红毛阿嫲窜访台湾岛为中国人民早日实现祖国统一进入快车道……

美国第三号人物佩洛斯(以下简称‘红毛阿嫲’)3/8晚间10时20分乘搭美国军机从美国航母‘里根号’起飞在台湾松山军事基地降陆了……红毛阿嫲抵达台湾岛时没有看到中国人民解放军空军‘阻拦’、‘伴随’!?为此,美国和台湾民进党的社交媒体、民进党支持者和小部分新加坡反华反共分子……他们都HIGH了……红毛阿嫲来了……!

为什么他们这么‘雀跃万分’?

因为中国的胡锡进在红毛阿嫲抵达台前不负责任地胡说八道: “中国人民解放军将击落、或伴随入境台湾、或送离台湾”!反正胡锡进似乎把自己扮演成了中国中央军委的‘党委书记同志’!结果是:‘红毛阿嫲’来了、‘红毛阿嫲’也走了……一切都没有在他的‘英明指示’下出现!

反之,胡锡进不负责任的胡说八道却成了美国和台湾民进党的社交媒体、民民进党的支持者和小部分的新加坡反华反共分子在开香槟‘HIGH’时候的笑话和诟病!

胡锡进对自己不负责人的胡说八道根本不自我检讨与道歉,还信誓旦旦的说,他的‘目的’是要恐吓‘红毛阿嫲’入台?!他太瞧得起自己的‘一言九鼎’咯!

这说明了他对中央政府对处理‘红毛阿嫲’的全盘计划一无所知!大家可以浏览在红毛阿嫲未抵达台湾前中国新闻网发布了一则题为:《严阵以待 听令而战》的视频。(见网址:重磅发布:严阵以待 听令而战 – YouTube)。

《严阵以待 听令而战》,这8个字传达的意思已经非常明确了!那就是:全军做好准备迎接一切可能发生的最坏情况;同时,一切行动必须听命于中央的指挥!视频并没有提出任何字眼涉及到如何‘击落’、‘伴随’、或者‘驱逐’红毛阿嫲的专机!

这是题外话。

于2021年7月31日,我在脸书个人网页上说了一段话:(见网址:Facebook

“明天是1/8,是中国人民解放军建军纪念日。

明天是1/8,是美国反华反共急先锋佩洛斯开始‘亚洲之旅’的开始。

全球不论左、中、右派,或者亲北京派、反北京派都密切关注和关心2个焦点:

1,佩洛斯‘亚洲之旅’是否敢于‘直奔’中国台湾省,以展示对岛内台独分子的支持!?

2,中国人民解放军是否言出必行,以展现中国捍卫国家领土地和主权的坚定信心和统一祖国的决心!

在这个敏感时间节骨眼上,拜登又‘凑巧’不幸再次染上冠状病毒!?

在新加坡靠岸的美国航母里根号又离开新加坡进入南中国海域!

中国人民解放军又在离台湾162海里的福建平潭进行海空实弹演习!

您怎么看?

我看,

一、不要相信美国人!不要对美国人存有任何不切实际的幻想!这是大前提!

二、不要相信拜登,或者美国2党和政府中的所谓‘鹰派’和‘鸽派’,反对或支持佩洛斯的‘亚洲之旅’!

说穿了:

1、美国人是要通过佩洛斯试探中国人民解放军或者中国政府统一祖国的决心和信心!

2、美国人的心里比谁都清醒得很!目前俄罗斯与其在乌克兰的代理人战争进行了5个多月,未能取得预期的结果——即拖垮俄罗斯在经济、政治和军事上的力量。反过来,战争已经拖垮了美欧的经济负担,在亚洲再开辟新战场,绝对不是它们的本意!

如果挑起或者爆发台海战争,美国在亚洲,或者说,在远东地区的盟友及欧盟,是不敢轻易发动I stand with Taiwan 的运动的!

3、它们知道,在亚洲,首先,亚细安国家绝对不敢公开站在美国一边与中国对着干!南韩与日本的介入将迫使朝鲜的先发制人!澳洲与纽西兰远水救不了美国在台湾海峡军事行动,因为它们必须防止中国在南海的驻军!

翻开历史。从40年代开始 一直到去年在阿富汗,美国人在亚洲进行的任何一场战争都没有赢过!

何况现在台湾的台独分子完全没有当年的蒋介石拥有军事力量!

所以,佩洛斯的‘亚洲之旅’最终是要美国人自己拉下帷幕,并感谢大家的关心。。”

现在事实说明了我的看法是正确的。

一、美国人、红毛阿嫲或者台独分子根本无法摸透中国政府如何‘恭候’红毛阿嫲的‘大驾光临’的意图。他们只能根据胡锡进的胡说八道进行猜测而制定红毛阿嫲进入台湾的计划行程!——从菲律宾到新加坡,在从新加坡转机到马来西亚。然后,在进入台湾前在判断中国政府意图如何进入抵达台湾。但是,美国人看到中国政府各个部门、各个涉台团体组织只是在进行‘文攻’。

中国人民解放军在福建浙江前线的各个兵种为进行实弹演练只是进行频繁紧密地调动部署。因此,他们不得不选择从马来西亚飞到停泊在菲律宾海域的里根号航母。再从里根号飞抵台湾松山空军基地。——他们想象中、或者顾虑的中国人民解放军可能采取的任何军事行动都没有发挥生。

为什么红毛阿嫲要从美国航母舰上起飞?答案明确:

一、他们是建立在胡锡进不负责任胡说八道的基础上。一旦中国军机出现‘阻拦’、伴飞、或者‘击落’红毛阿嫲专机的情况出现,他们将对中国进行宣战!——可惜得很,这种情况并没有出现!

二、红毛阿嫲先到菲律宾、新加坡和马来西亚目的就是要试探这几个靠近中国的国家对可能产生的‘中美冲突’、或者台海战事的态度?显然。她的得到答案是否定、或者消极的。而且这些国家都不想在中国国家主权和领土完整的原则问题上与中国发生任何矛盾和误解!所以,红毛阿嫲最终选择从里根号航母起飞进入台湾,一旦情况如胡锡进所‘说’的那样,那么,一场中美之间的‘战争’就上演!——可惜得很,这种情况也没有出现!

好了。红毛阿嫲半夜进入台湾,民进党也为她的‘有惊无险’的旅途‘洗尘’了。红毛阿嫲也在4/8隔天中午去了南韩了!

所以我在上述帖子最后写了以下这段话:

“佩洛斯的‘亚洲之旅’最终是要美国人自己拉下帷幕,并感谢大家的关心。。”

美国人拉的是自己表演的舞台帷幕,不是中国台湾省谁演的舞台帷幕!

鬼子走了猴子来。

4/8红毛阿嫲飞去南韩的同一时间,中国人民解放军按既定计划在台湾海域进行的海空实弹军事演习正式开始!中国人民解放军在海域进行的海口实弹演习。

民进党人与新加坡反华反共分子调侃说,为什么这场为期3天的海空实弹军事演习要选择红阿嫲离开才进行的。

我说,

台湾是中国领土不可分隔的一部分。中国人民解放军要在什么时候?哪个地点和地区进行演习?是实弹演习?还说还是空弹?要是使用哪些兵器装备?等等……这一切决定的选择权均属中国,不需要征得或者依据任何外国、或者民党及新加坡反华反共分子的认可!

亲华、爱我中华以及新加坡的网民对于中国没有在红毛阿嫲抵达台湾当天予以‘痛击’感到失望和沮丧!这主要是受到胡锡进不负责任的言论的影响!

问题上实质是:
一、 中国是反对美国通过红毛阿嫲的来台干涉中国内政,完全与彻底破坏中美联合声明承认一个中国、台湾是中国不可分割的一部分的立场!即便是红毛阿嫲不来,美国的其他反华反共政客也会来!——拿台湾问题进行炒作已经成为美国政客为自己在国内捞取政治资本的‘泉源’!要解决这个问题,就是早日实现台湾与祖国的统一!

二、如果按照胡锡进不负责任的胡说八道言论——‘阻拦’、伴飞、或者‘击落’红毛阿嫲专机,其结果就是让美国人完全有‘正当’借口——为保护自己国家领导人的生命安全、或者为她的生命安全受到威胁,而调动太平洋海域的美国航母舰队群进入台湾海峡与中国开战!这样一来,就完全实现美国长久以来要把台湾问题国际化的阴谋!

中国外交部发言人华春莹在红毛阿嫲离开台湾隔天就中国没有‘实现’胡锡进不负责任的胡说八道说了一句话:请大家要有耐心和信心!

事实就是这样:

一、从4/8开始,中国人民解放军的所有参与实弹军事演习的各个兵种都按计划在台湾部署(说道白一点就是包围)在台湾岛周围(见图);

二、中国的空军、无人机、飞弹与军舰已经越过民进党和国民党长期以来视为‘防弹衣’的‘台湾海峡中线’、‘领空’、‘海域’都已经被抹去了!——第一,范围比之前大,且明显向东推,跨过所谓“海峡中线”;第二,演习位置更加靠近台湾本岛;第三,多军兵种及先进武器平台参与的全方位实战化演习;第四,演习区域已经进入了台当局宣称的所谓“领海”,直接否定台湾所谓“领海”、“领空”的有效性。

三、中国在当年与国民党主席连战达致的‘九二共识’下予以台湾岛内居民的各种经济优惠也开始被逐步取消了!

谋定而后动——这就是红毛阿嫲窜访台湾的10多小时给台湾带来的‘丰硕成果’!——红毛阿嫲窜访台湾岛打破了美方“反对任何单方面改变台海现状”的主张已经不复存在了!

中国人民亲华和爱我中华者现在应该看得懂,也必然会感激红毛阿嫲的“行为艺术”——因为已经为中国这一代领导人早日实现台湾回归祖国问题进入快车道了!

总的来说,红毛阿嫲窜访台湾岛10多小时及离开台湾不到半天给台湾民进党及国民党带来的噩梦已经开始了!目前出现的这一切新状况,应该由台湾民进党和国民党向岛内人民解释和解决!


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美国“有能力保卫台湾”吗?

这是美国美军参谋长联席会议主席的豪言壮语:“美国有能力保卫台湾”!(据美国有线电视新闻网(CNN)6月11日消息,美军参谋长联席会议主席马克·米利(Mark Milley)周四(10日)在参议院听证会上鼓吹,美国“有能力‘保卫台湾’”)

您信吗?

https://news.ifeng.com/c/8IN6n86JyYV

最新的例子就是阿富汗。拜登上台就宣布将在这几个月里从阿富汗撤军!

美国人至今没有全身而退离开的战场就是中东战场!那是因为那里仍然有丰富的石油可捞!

所以美国美国美军参谋长联席会议主席的豪言壮语:“美国有能力保卫台湾”是说给在台湾民进党和国民党蓝皮绿骨派听的。——因为他们都明确地希望美国人真的可以“保卫台湾”!

对于民进党来说,它们是在40-50年代在台湾本土才诞生的。他们是在被日本统治了一个世纪后,又经历了蒋介石的白色军法统治!也就是说,他们从来就没有被共产党统治过!他们与共产党之间的‘集怨’或者‘集恨’,是属于新的政治生态环境下的思想意识形态的‘集怨’和‘集恨’!

他们无法说出为什么要死心塌地反对中国政府、中国共产党、中国的社会制度?在无法达到反对中国政府、中国共产党、中国的社会制度后,他们转其次反对台湾与中国的统一!最终演变成今天的要争取‘台湾独立’!要把台湾建成亚洲的“民主基地”!

现在我们回到主题。

台湾战争全面爆发,美国人是否会真的保卫台湾?

我相信,民进党和蓝皮绿骨国民党人心里没底!但是可以肯定的是:他们当中许多人会像当年越南战争一样,西贡(现改名为胡志明市)沦陷前,那些在南越的吴庭炎和阮文绍集团等都相信美国会保卫越南南方!但是,在1970年越共的春季大攻势爆发后,这些军人和政客都不顾一切的首先冲到总统府和美国大使馆争先恐后地乘搭美国的直升机或飞机,飞到靠近越南海面的美国军舰,离开越南南方。

我可以肯定,在台海战争全面爆发前,不是爆发时、也不是爆发后,民进党人绝对会走上这条路!这一点不必质疑!

至于台湾国民党蓝皮绿骨。他们都存有侥幸的心态!特别是以马英九为首的亲美反共派。他们既不希望共产党统一中国,也不敢公开拒绝共产党要求尽快实现祖国的统一。他们仅仅希望“维持现状、一中各表”!

为什么?

因为一旦共产党实现祖国统一,或者台海战争全面爆发,摆在蓝皮绿骨国民党人绝对是‘猪八戒’——里外不是人!

一旦共产党决定要实现统一,绝对不会像目前一样“倾听台湾同胞”的态度 ,‘倾听’蓝皮绿骨国民党人的‘倾诉“!因为自从连战打破两岸僵局,与胡惊涛“一笑泯千愁”后,该谈的、该听的、该采纳的,共产党人都一一接纳和兑现了!反过来,蓝皮绿骨国民党人却利用共产党的这点‘耐心’继续采取‘维持两岸现状’——‘不统不独’!

现在的蓝皮绿骨国民党领导人(不包括连战等)与现在的民进党人一样,他们都未曾在共产党统治下生活、也未曾与共产党在战场交锋过!他们和民进党一样都相信:

台海战争全面爆发美国人一定会保卫台湾!但是,老一辈的国民党人(就是随着蒋介石“战略性撤退”到台湾的国民党人及军人)都绝对相信:一旦共产党下定决心,把实现台湾的统一议程摆在台面上,意味着什么?

他们经历了1948年9月12日到1949年 1月31日面对共产党的三大战役:淮海战役、平津战役和辽沈战役,以及1949年4月21日到6月2日的渡江战役(也就是最终解放军占领南京、蒋介石全面“战略性撤退到台湾”)!这是现在的蓝皮绿骨国民党人以及民进党未曾见识过和领教过的!

在1949年10月1日,中国共产党领导人以及爱国民主人士在北京天安门城楼宣布中华人民共和国成立前,当时美国驻华最后一任大使司徒雷登(他是在中国土生土长的美国人。出生在中国杭州。北京燕京大学创办人)是在1949年8月离开中国的。1949年8月18日毛泽东还为此发表一篇著名的文章:《别了,司徒雷登》。

这意味着什么?美国人从来就不会做亏本买卖!绝不会与自己一手抚养起来的傀儡‘同生死、共患难’!

对于共产党人来说,宽阔的台湾海峡已经不是1949年当时的台湾海峡了!这一点美国人很清楚!因为今天的中国综合国力(包括政治、经济和军事)已经完全可以不必进行‘渡海’就可以瘫痪台湾本岛的一切活动(包括政治、经济和军事)!

因此美国人的所谓“有能力保卫台湾”就是一句空话!

关键的问题在于:

中国共产党人选择什么时候开打?从哪里打开台湾的缺口?要如何减少或减低由于开打而给台湾人民造成巨大的生命和经济损失?(当然战争必然会有死人的事情。)该抓谁?该与谁谈判可以和平解决台湾问题?

现在西方国家为了阻止中国的和平崛起,不惜人为操弄台湾问题,这只是表象!(这与2019年6月,西方开始在香港进行所谓的“返送中”一样)一旦他们的目的达到,或者真的海峡战争爆发,他们就只能在世界范围内进行舆论战争——进行反华反共的舆论攻势!而台湾的民进党人跑到日本!蓝皮绿骨国民党人也只能是“识时务者为俊杰”——向中国 “表达诚意”、或者跑到日本或者美国去!

中国解放战争打到福建前线,距离金门马祖停了下来。以当时的共产党军事势力,要渡过宽阔的台湾海峡绝对比‘强渡长江’还要困难几十倍!何况共产党的军队经历了长达几十年的战争(包括10年内战、8年抗战和3年的解放战争),共产党的军队必须进行修整,解放后的国家需要重建。以及尽快的恢复各地的正常经济活动是当时的急切任务!(中国共产党在解放广州市后也没有直接进入香港和澳门,那是基于解放后还要利用这2个城市进行对外的经济外交活动!这是题外。不谈。)

因此,可以这么说,台湾的民进党人和蓝皮绿骨国民党人继续拉日亲美是无法为自己自己的处境解套!

从1970年叶剑英的元旦《告台湾同胞书》到现在,已经是几十年过去了。共产党没有像现在这样坚定不移的公开宣布:

台湾的统一绝对不会留给下一代共产党人去实现!

那是因为宽阔的台湾海峡已经不是共产党人解决台湾问题的天然屏障了!在太空运行的中国卫星完全可以引导部署在全中国的长程导弹,准确和集中地对准台湾的所有军事目标!

这一点,美国人晓得!民进党人和蓝皮绿骨国民党人也晓得!

他们必须尽早为自己的未来找出路!(或者他们都已经为自己及家人安排好后路了。)这是唯一为自己寻找解套的最佳途径!

美国人有能力保卫台湾吗?有!关键的是问题是建立在:

台湾是否还有美国人所需要的价值吗?如果是让美国人去保卫一个孤岛,又无法直接包围和阻止中国和平崛起、中国的出海权,那美国人会干嘛?

这里需要补充的是,

一旦共产党实现台湾的统一,也就是说,中国的国家领海权范围和经济海域权将从目前的福建、浙江、山东、渤海湾、黄海……等海域直接扩充到台湾以东,面向太平洋,遥望美国太平洋的西海岸!这也是美国人和日本人所不希望看到的结局!


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我经历了13年无审讯扣留磨炼

庄明湖

访谈。过后制作视频上传YouTube。(见网址:

 Chronicle of a Political Prisoner –  Chng Min Oh – YouTubeChng Min Oh – YouTube

庄明湖就是人民之友工委会于2020年出版的《廿世纪六十年代新加坡左派工运遭遇问题探索》英文版(Probing Into The Sufferings Of Singapore`s Left-Wing Labour Movement In The 1960s)一书的原文(华文)作者。

本文是现年85岁的新加坡前工会领袖,现为一名仍在执业的新加坡注册中医师,在两年前(即2020年3月)就已完成的为纪念他在内安法令下被逮捕50周年而作的文稿。作者原本是交给了其老友计划发表在当年(2020年)筹办的一个老友生活营活动专辑上。

各位同道:大家好!

2022年8月3日,是我在60年代遭受无经审讯被长期监禁的52周年纪念日。我期望纪念日来临时,表达控诉新加坡当权者曾对我和我家人进行迫害的罪行(我自身的经历只是新加坡当权者迫害政治扣留者的冰山一角)。为此,我请求贵网页在即将来临的8月初张贴敝文:《我经历了13年无审讯扣留的磨炼》(下文简称《磨炼》)。

我写《磨炼》的缘由是:

  1. 2020年初,我的好友看了Function 8 民间人权组织专访我被长期监禁经历的视频后,向我提议:将专访视频的内容转换成文稿印发给不懂上网的老友。我答允。
  2. 与此同时,庄伟天老友告知我,由大马前太平甘文丁政治扣留营的部分前政治被扣者合力推动,决定在7月间主办“2020太平政扣者生活营 ”聚会 ,并出版《2020年前政治被扣者生活营专辑》;负责《专辑》出版工作的黄贵文老友托他向我建议,将上述专访视频的内容转换成文稿供其《专辑》刊载。我同意。

2020年3月初,我完稿后,即复印几份发给常交往的老友。稿件也由庄伟天转交《专辑》负责人黄贵文。此时正遇疫情恶化,上述的聚会与《专辑》的出版,不得不展延。直到今年(2022年)6月中,喜闻有关聚会与《专辑》将在10月中复办。

在2020年3月写好《磨炼》后,我当时计划是,先由上述《专辑》发表,后才转载于网页上。

考虑到当前疫情反复无常,到时(今年10月间),上述的聚会活动和《专辑》出版会否再度受阻,真难意料。为了避免再度拖延,我现在选择先在网页上发表。这样的安排已得到《专辑》负责人的理解和认可。

先谢谢! 祝安康!

庄明湖  2022-7-10

我经历了13年无审讯扣留磨炼

2016年间,新加坡的一个称为“8号功能”(Function 8 Ltd)的民间人权组织的负责人张素兰律师和她的两位同伴,到我的医务室,就我遭受长期监禁的经历感受作录影访谈,过后制作视频上传网络。我的一名好友在网络上看到了这个视频之后找我说,我们的朋友都是老年人,大多数不懂上网,为了让这些老友有机会了解我这次访谈的内容,向我建议将它笔录成文稿,印发送他们。我答允。我动笔时,发觉访谈多属自述、口语表达,不少段落内容有重复现象,有的段落又言不详尽。因此,为了符合文稿要求和词句完整逻辑,本文是以上述录影访谈的笔录内容作基础,作些删增修改而成。

我在1970年8月3日被捕

我是莊明湖,在1970年8月3日被捕。当晚我在家里吃饭时,两个政治部人员来抓我走。他们没有说什么,只说你被逮捕了。上世纪60年代末70年代初,我是在新加坡的一间左派工会,新加坡金银业职工联合会(The Singapore Gold & Silver Smiths’ Union)活动,我是担任主席的时候被抓的。他们没有对我粗暴,我也没有反抗。为什么?因为我事先已有预感我不久后可能被捕。因为跟我在同一个工会的同伴陈辛(又名陈成兴)[英文名:Tan Sin / Chen Xin @ Tan Seng Hin]在我被捕的两个月前被捕了,我就想到接下来我就会被捕,我毫无畏惧,你要抓就抓。所以他们看到我没有反抗,也就没有上手铐。两个特务左右一个拉着我的手,带到我家附近的停车场就載去政治部,后来转移到中央警署关押。

该会从1967年开始,就公开跟在当时篡夺了林清祥在社阵的领导地位的李绍祖自命的“非武装斗争司令部”展开激烈的论战(有关的论战资料,可见于星马人民历史资料室收集的该会最后几年出版的纪念特辑里头)。

到了1968年,该会就毫不踌躇把由李绍祖一手委任组成的所谓“社阵领导”,定性为左派运动的“分裂主义集团司令部”,而向他们展开毫不妥协的斗争。

上图是新加坡内政部1970年9月2日发给庄明湖的第一张内安法令下的无审讯扣留令。以后每两年期满就再发一张延长的扣留令,直到1983年8月7日被释放为止。

我在中央警署被关一个月,没有人见我,只有那里的警察拿饭给我吃。关足一个月开始见我,只是发扣留令给我,扣留我两年。当天傍晚从中央警署带我到明月湾(MCC)监牢去,去到那边我很高兴,来监牢了。那里知道,单独一人住了一晚,,隔天早上又带我回到中央警署,还是单独监禁。我被单独监禁的房间大约是10尺x10尺,除了我要冲凉或大小便才让我出来去厕所,没有枕头被。没有给我(走出室外)运动。

关了我45天,开始带我去审问室,不是问口供。初始,政治部的人员态度没有粗暴,表明温和地说要帮助我出来,要我跟他们“解决问题”,他们没讲要怎样“解决问题”,我说你们抓我进来,放我出去,不就是解决问题了吗?他们说不是这么简单,你要怎样解决,你提出。我讲没有什么好谈的。你们要关就关啦。于是,他们就变脸了,气煞了,骂我了。他们说我们要帮助你出去,你不要。我讲,不要抓我就没有问题,你们抓了我进来,再说“帮助我出去”,要我“解决问题”,真是笑话!。结果他们就骂我,说我怕出去,“你的老婆生活很苦,你怕负担啦。”、“你的孩子,你的太太需要你照顾,你不要出去,你是害怕外面的生活苦,不敢出去,你没有良心,不顾妻儿的死活”等等,一大堆侮辱我尊严的话。我说,是你们抓我进来,又不是我自己进来?现在放我走,若我不走,你们才可以这样讲。

问口供后,吊销我的公民权

经历约有10次这样的侮辱之后,他们开始问口供。问口供后,就吊销我的公民权。吊销我的公民权后,又再度带我去审问室,对我说,你的公民权已被吊销,你最好自己申请回去中国,(因我是在中国出生的),你的家人我们可以帮忙送过去。我说我不要,我已经是马来亚人,我是不会去中国的。他们说,你不回,我们会强硬押你回。我说你们可以试试看,到时你们押去,(到中国)我是不会上岸的!。这次之后,再没逼迫我了,没有再带我去审问室,也没再问话,因问话已完了。

其实问话是很简单的。为什么我没有如别人那样遭受逼供?我的想法是,第一,我与(马共)地下组织没有关系,我是搞公开(合法组织)的;第二,我对他(政府)没有威胁,抓我是因为当时我家里经济出现困难,他们(政府)认为抓我扣留我,逼迫我就范,我就会妥协,接受他们提出的方式出来。但我并不是这样的人。有些人被扣留,可能因为进行地下活动,或准备发动斗争,他们被抓就可能面对逼供,逼问你做了些什么,准备做些什么。

我是在1970年8月3日被捕,当时左派党团已分裂,力量也很弱。更重要的一点是,在60年代下半期我是左派工会活跃者之一,但因我反对李绍祖为首(新加坡社阵)派系的激进斗争路线,被他们打压,骂我是行动党的代理人,是特务,等等。所以,在新加坡我已经没有影响力了。在新加坡进行反政府斗争活动我已经没有作用,但为什么要抓我?主要是,即使你没有影响力,但只要你还参加政治活动就要抓你,向你“招安”,你放弃信仰投降出来,你的政治生命就完了。大概我想他们抓我的主要目的就是在政治上毁灭我,让我不能抬头做人。

我决心宁愿被关,不接受”招安

虽然他们没有明确向我提出怎样解决问题,但我自己明白,他们的所谓“解决问题”,例如,出狱的被扣者,曾有的人上电视表示悔过,有的签署公开声明或悔过书,发表违背良心的表态言论。我知道,我刚被扣留,大概也是要我接受类似的方式投降解决问题。当时我猜想,他们会要求我上电视表示悔过或签署公开投降声明的,不可能是低级的妥协方式(如参加前政治扣留者协会、签署政治活动和生活限制条件)出来的。后来我被带去关在明月湾(MCC)监牢,每两年期满就发再关两年的新扣留令给我。每次发新的扣留令不久,就从监牢带我去施行单独监禁,起初是在中央警署扣留室,后来是在惠特里路扣留中心(Whitley Road Holding Centre)。每两年一次都是这样用单独监禁手段对我进行精神虐待。这样很不人道的。因为单独监禁时,不允许我看书报。没有给我被和枕头。不时带去审问室进行所谓“洗脑,其实是精神轰炸的虐待,侮辱我的自尊,妄图逼迫我妥协投降,接受他们的“招安”,我都一 一拒绝。

到了1978年大概是8月底(被关了8年多之后),我又一次从明月湾监牢被带去惠特里路扣留中心时,我想又是面对更难受的单独监禁,因为在惠特里路扣留中心单独监禁更糟糕(与中央警署扣留所相比)。我在被押送途中就想,这次如果还是这样,我就要反抗,不能让他们这样做了。因为带我去那里单独监禁,目的是要逼我放弃原有信仰无法坦荡做人,但我决心宁愿继续被关不接受“招安”。

反对”单独关禁”,进行绝食斗争

当时我被带到那里关在一间约10尺X6尺的小房间,很闷热,不准许我出房外运动,也不准许我阅读带来的书。隔天我就大声唱歌,特务开房门问,为什么你唱歌?我说:“我唱歌是运动。你们不给我去运动,我就用唱歌来运动,不然我会病倒。”我这样回应后,特务警告我说:“你再唱歌的活我就不客气!”我于是向他们要求:“我带来的书拿给我,给我出外运动。”他们不理。到了第三天,我就大声叫喊:“我是莊明湖,我绝食,抗议虐待,要求回去监牢。”接着,关在離我房间不远的何君强,也喊绝食,提出和我同样的要求,要回去监牢。我们两人从9月3日开始绝食,绝食一周后,我们两人被带去樟宜(Changi)刑事犯监牢的医院。

我在惠特里路扣留中心绝食的一周内,被殴打过两次。第一次,带我去审问室,10多个特务凶凶的围着我,其中一个打我胸部,踢我下部。他们骂我:“为什么你要捣蛋!”我回应说:“我没有捣蛋,我抗议虐待,要求回监牢。”打骂之后带我回房间。隔两天,那里的副总管(据说姓符)一进我房间凶煞煞说:“为什么不吃饭?”我说:“我反对单独监禁,要求回监牢。”他说:“看你要不要吃?”我讲:“回去监牢我就吃,为什么我不吃!不吃,是抗议你们虐待我!”他就双拳打我双耳朵约20次,造成我双耳几天听不清声音,至今还有听觉差的后遗症。他们不让去外面小便,拿尿壶给我盛小便。当时我坐在床上,打后就把一壶尿从我头上淋,我的头及全身和床上都是尿。因不让冲凉,我满身臭了几天,直到被带去樟宜监牢的医院,才有机会冲凉。

绝食一周后,我和何君强被分别带去樟宜监牢的医院,不是一起去,关在不同的地方。医院有两层楼,何君强是被关在楼上,单独一人的房间,与病人隔離。我是关在楼下,跟病人在一起。那时候,我们绝食主要目的,首先是“要求停止虐待,带我们回去监牢”,其次是揭露当局运用单独监禁惯用手段逼迫政治扣留者妥协投降。在医院里,我们坚持“没回监牢,不停止绝食,绝食直到回监牢。”结果,我们经过84天绝食才被带回明月湾监牢。

在绝食的前14天,我们绝食但有喝水,到了第15天起,我们绝食绝饮。绝食绝饮后,樟宜监牢医院的医生劝我们进食,我们回答:“回去监牢,我们才会进食。”绝食进入约20多天,当局对我们強灌牛奶。首次強灌牛奶当天,监牢的狱长和七八个人员如临大敌,围着我的病床,分别抓我两只手两只脚用手拷拷在床上,不让我动,另外的人就强力按、扭、压我的头颈部,控制着我的头颈无法动,用钢汤匙欲撬开我的口,我口紧闭,不成功。接着改用胶管穿插我的鼻孔至胃部不成功,因我不断摆头挣扎,最后才穿插成功灌下牛奶。因曾听闻有政治扣留者被强逼鼻孔穿插胶管时挣扎而错插入肺部致死,所以当时我想,为表达抗议极力反抗不要给他们插入是必要的,但是你无法反抗掉的,若不幸被错插到我的气管或肺部会死亡,没有必要在这样的情况下死,所以最后我才被他们成功灌了牛奶。一天穿插胶管灌牛奶两次。第二天由护士来灌牛奶时对我说:“Mr. Zhuang 你最好合作不要挣扎,你这样挣扎,等一下我们把胶管插错到肺部你会死,这样不值得,你跟我们合作。”

我觉得他讲得有道理,所以我跟他讲条件,我不是自愿让你这样做,如果你要穿插胶管之前都须先让我喊口号表示反抗,他答应。所以我每次被插前,我就先喊,我用华语用英语喊:“政治扣留者绝食反对虐待,要求回监牢,我们坚决反对……”。之后,护士来灌牛奶时,他就半开玩笑说:“哎,你祈祷”。每次喊反抗口号后,护士就把胶管从我的鼻孔穿插到胃部灌牛奶,灌完后抽出胶管。每天两次。

我对“单独关禁”切身感受

有人问我,你对单独监禁的感受怎样?我的回答是:我对单独监禁感受若没有很强烈的不满,你说我会担负生命的危险进行84天的绝食吗?没有强烈不满,是不可能的。况且,在监牢的绝食与在政治部的绝食是不一样的,特别是Whitley路扣留中心的绝食,随时面对被拉去打到半死的。

我被关在惠特里路扣留中心共有三次,第二次我就绝食了。第三次去就不再給我单独监禁,是关大房,还找一人来陪我。不久就带我去住警长的家,直到释放。

我出来是没有接受任何条件的。我被关大约5、6年后,当局才明确向我提出释放条件,要我接受6项条件出来。我拒绝。隔了相当长时期后,他们就降低条件,说“你不接受6项条件,可以,但是你参加前政治扣留者协会(Singapore Ex-Political Detainees Association)的唯一条件出去。”我也拒绝。最后,他们说:“你这个不要,那个也不要。现在,我们总统有权力不需要你接受,即可强加4项条件给你,推你出去,而你必须遵守,你不遵守,将在法庭控告你。”我说,我什么也不要接受。但他们告诉我,我们发强加条件的信给你,你必须签名表示收到,而不是说明你接受。我说:“我不要,我不懂英文,我在文件是签名,你们现在说是‘表示收到’,过后你们可以说是我‘接受条件’,我不签。”

我对”释放我4个条件”的立场

释放我有4项限制条件,他们讲得很好听,你可以参加政治活动,比如可以参加像工人党那样的政治活动,但不可以参加共产党的政治活动。我说,我从来没有参加过共产党,参加政治活动是我应有的民主权利,是我的参政权利,不管你们允许不允许,这点我会坚持。我出去不会遵守限制条件,你们要么,在法庭控告我。4项限制条件中,有一条不许我和前政治扣留者来往,其实,我出来第二天就与前政治扣留者来往了。他们也没有对付我。

记得释放我当天,他们发强制释放限制文件给我,还要逼我在文件上签名表示收到,并说,现在你签个名,马上走。其实,我早已理解,对上述释放条件签收或不签收,不是原则性问题,不违反我的政治立场。但处于当时一脚踏在监牢一脚踏在回家路的紧要关头,还要逼我签收,在我看来,分明是把我签不签名当作我会不会妥协看待。因此,我决心反抗到底。我说,我已讲过我不签,要放,我就走,我回家,不放就带我回监牢!最终,我坚持不签名,他们还是释放我。

我要特别一提的是,当局释放我时,故意不叫我太太来接我,却找我的那位担任高级公务员的弟弟来接我。为何这样?我推想,当局为了要实现在紧要关头逼迫我签名。若我太太有在现场,万一我要签名她必会劝阻。按照常理,我的弟弟身为高级公务员不可能违逆政治部对我逼迫的意志,绝对不会劝阻我签名,或许还会劝我签呢。还好我的弟弟始终静静坐着没有出声。

在释放我约一年后,即1984年9月间,政治部人员就来我家发通知给我,知会我的释放限制取消了。发通知给我之前,政治部派一女特务到我家叫我去凤凰山政治部总部,我不去。过后政治部又打电话给我,说:“莊明湖,我们要告诉你好消息。”我问“什么好消息?”他答:“我们考虑要取消你的限制令了,”我回应:“我本来就没有接受,取消不取消对我都是一样的”他说:“你来凤凰山,我们通知你。”我讲:“我从来没有接受,通知不通知都一样,何必去凤凰山。”先后两次叫我去凤凰山,我不去。结果,一男特务到我家发通知书给我,要我签名以示收到。我不签。我说,释放限制条件通知书我没有签名,取消通知书我也是不会签的。

太太的死也是政府对她的迫害

我被捕关在监牢,其实生活最惨的是我太太陈静莲,她受害应比我更大。比如,我在监牢不愁吃不愁穿,三餐有得吃,我太太则不一样。我被捕时,有两个分别是4岁和5岁的女儿,我太太怀孕三个月,她心脏没有力,无法做工。她心脏没有力到什么样?我们住政府贫民组屋二楼,没电梯,她从楼下走到二楼会喘,须停息四次才能走完,要怎样做工?所以家里经济由我当担。可以想象,我被捕后,她的生活一定是很辛苦的。我被捕不久后,1971年1月中旬,英联邦国家首脑会议在新加坡举行时,新加坡政治扣留者家属游行到会场请愿“释放政治扣留者!”,我太太虽身体衰弱又怀孕,也牵着4岁女儿去参与。她游行请愿好几次,她和小女儿曾一起被捕关在警署,一度还关在樟宜女监牢。所以她的生活不会比我平静。她本来是车衣工人,孩子出生后,她为了糊口养家,不再做收入很少的车衣工作,而到建筑工地去当收入较多的扎铁工人,才能勉强过活。扎铁是粗重工作,试想心脏弱的她,去做粗重扎铁工,可想何等辛苦。她就是这样挨过的。我被捕八、九年后监禁在Whitley路扣留中心时,她探访我,在马路旁下车没气力走斜坡到扣留中心,不得不要求德示司机載到扣留中心门口。那时她因操劳过度,身体已非常虚弱了。

上图为庄明湖获得释放半年多后,在1984年3月26日与陈静莲的合影。照片中的陈静莲脸部臃肿,显示脸部水肿病态。她原本体弱,加上长期操劳过度,导致多种疾病缠身,健康日益恶化。她不堪病魔长期折磨,而在1989年1月11日跳海自尽,才52岁。她在丈夫遭遇人民行动党政府利用内安法令逮捕扣留的13年多的日子里,除了默默支持其丈夫的正义斗争,还需艰苦挣钱来养活自己和3个还在念书的孩子,因不堪折磨而不幸倒下了,她的“艰苦奋斗”精神是令人赞赏和敬仰的!来她就去当小贩,是卖粿汁,琐碎的工作多,请不起助手,因赚钱不多,请了助手就没什么钱,此时两个女儿已10多岁,读中学,不得不叫她们到摊位帮忙。所以两个女儿每天上学前,早早起身到摊位帮洗猪大肠后,匆匆忙忙赶去学校,有时缺助手,中午从学校赶来摊位帮忙后再赶回学校上课。所以,对我孩子的学习和生活也有很大的影响。

我出狱时,我太太对我说:“你若再迟一些时日出来,我一定早已倒下去了。”我判断,真的会是这样的。以前她的身体还没有这么差,我出来时,她早已患上糖尿病、高血压。我出来后约3年,她又被发现患有脑癌和子宫下垂,简直百病丛生!到了第4年,她动了脑癌手术,子宫下垂已第三期了,子宫下垂到外面不会缩回,每天必须用月经带吊绑着,不能拿重,不能多站,已无法做工。她告诉我,她像行尸走肉的人。到了第6年,她会吃,但不能大便,每晚不能睡,吃安眠药也没有用,她被病魔长期折磨得很痛苦,结果去跳海自杀而死,才52岁。

如果我说,我太太的死,是行动党政权对我和我的家庭的迫害而造成的,是不过分的!

结语:全民应反对内安法令!

内安法令这项恶法,对被逮捕被扣留的我们来说,不只是被扣留的我们受害,以我的例子,我的太太,我的子女,是不是也受害?所以,反对内安法令,不仅是曾被扣留的我们要反,所有未曾被扣留的参与争取人民民主权益的人士,有一天可能也会被逮捕被扣留,所以也应该要反对。这是全民的问题。

作者(前排左1)出席2013年在新加坡芳林公园举行的“2•2事件”50周年纪念大会,并受邀在大会上发表讲话。他通过讲述自己和家庭的遭遇,痛斥人民行动党统治集团利用内安法令来对付政治对手和异议人士的反动性和残酷性,他强烈发出“必须废除内安法令”的呼声!当日大会约有700多名前政治扣留者和他们的亲友参加。上图为会场一角,这是取自YouTube视频的截图作者(前排左1)出席2013年在新加坡芳林公园举行的“2•2事件”50周年纪念大会,并受邀在大会上发表讲话。他通过讲述自己和家庭的遭遇,痛斥人民行动党统治集团利用内安法令来对付政治对手和异议人士的反动性和残酷性,他强烈发出“必须废除内安法令”的呼声!当日大会约有700多名前政治扣留者和他们的亲友参加。上图为会场一角,这是取自YouTube视频的截图作者(前排左1)出席2013年在新加坡芳林公园举行的“2•2事件”50周年纪念大会,并受邀在大会上发表讲话。他通过讲述自己和家庭的遭遇,痛斥人民行动党统治集团利用内安法令来对付政治对手和异议人士的反动性和残酷性,他强烈发出“必须废除内安法令”的呼声!当日大会约有700多名前政治扣留者和他们的亲友参加。上图为会场一角,这是取自YouTube视频的截图


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(中英文版)纪念林福寿逝世10周年IN MEMORY OF DR LIM HOCK SIEW

作者:张素兰 TEO SOH LUNG

纪念林福寿医生逝世10周年

今天是林福寿医生逝世10周年的日子。林福寿医生是1963年2月2日代号《冷藏行动》大逮捕行动的受害者。

林福寿医生在代号《冷藏行动》大逮捕行动之前已经知道自己是被列入被逮捕的名单,但是,他会他的朋友并没有因此离开新加坡。他在家等待内部安全局人员、它们的狗腿子和辜尔加兵的到来逮捕。他被捕时并没有拥有任何的武器。他所拥有就是勇气、博大的智慧和李光耀一样具有雄辩的能力。作为一个在政治上的异议分子和真正的社会主义者,李光耀是不会让他获得自由的。李光耀早期(即50年代初期)高喊有关社会主义 口号和为被压迫阶级,事实上,他是一个假冒的社会主义者。

林福寿医生始终坚持自己的被捕时具有政治动机的。他在哲学逻辑上合理化了这个问题。他认为,假设在其他国家,他可能已经被其政治对手谋杀了。但是,他从来就没有想过自己会被监禁超过8年。回顾当时的历史。在他的印象里,当时马来亚的一名记者兼民族主义者阿末波斯达曼在英殖民地时期,在1948年《紧急法令》下被英国殖民者时被监禁了7年吧了。

林福寿医生拒绝履行发表为李光耀‘挽回面子’的声明。于1972年,他通过其代表律师知知拉惹(T T RAJAH)发表一份措辞强烈的声明。这份声明由他的妻子陈宗孟医生(Dr Beatrice Chen)代为对外发表。(请查阅书籍《花惹时代》新加坡社会主义俱乐部及战后马来亚与新加坡的政治。)由于这份声明的对外发表,导致他被残酷的李光耀继续监禁长达20年。

2011年,人权组织《功能8》举行一个座谈会。林福寿医生出席了这个座谈会。他向与会者讲述了自己被监禁的情况。他已经准备被监禁数十年。他说,如果一名被捕者一直在想着自己会被释放,他将无法生存下来。

新加坡人民不会忘记林福寿医生以及他的同志们,赛查哈利、何标、李思东、傅树介和其他的政治被拘留者所做出的贡献。他们为了我们而牺牲了自己年轻时期的家庭以及自己的专业和事业。他们不经审讯下而被监禁,对新加坡人民来说是一个巨大的损失。那些在代号《冷藏行动》大逮捕行动中被捕者做出的牺牲是极其重大的。

照片说明:

  1. 于1967年,林福寿医生申请人权保护成果后,在女皇镇监狱获得了技术上的释放;
  2. 于2011林福寿医生从自己驾驶的汽车了走出来出席功能8 举办的座谈会;
  3. 纪念林福寿医生逝世出版的书籍。

IN MEMORY OF DR LIM HOCK SIEW

Today marks the 10th anniversary of the demise of Dr Lim Hock Siew, a victim of Operation Coldstore, 2nd February 1963.

Dr Lim Hock Siew knew that he was a target of arrest but he and his friends did not leave Singapore. He waited for the security police, their dogs and gurkhas to arrest him that dawn. He did not possess any weapon. All he had was his courage, expansive intellect and ability to write and speak as eloquently as Lee Kuan Yew. As a political rival and a true socialist, he could not be left free by Lee, the fake socialist. Lee had in his early years spoken loudly about socialism and fighting for the oppressed.

Dr Lim Hock Siew always viewed his arrest as political. He philosophically rationalised that in other countries, he may have been assassinated by his rivals. But he never thought that he would be imprisoned for more than eight years. Back then, he had in mind the Malayan journalist and nationalist, Ahmad Boestamam who was arrested and imprisoned by the British under the Emergency Regulations in 1948 and released after seven years.

Dr Lim Hock Siew’s refusal to oblige Lee Kuan Yew with a “face saving statement” and his strong statement issued in 1972 through his lawyer, TT Rajah and released by his wife, Dr Beatrice Chen (Read The Fajar Generation, The University Socialist Club and the Politics of Postwar Malaya and Singapore) led to his continued incarceration by the cruel Lee Kuan Yew and his gang for a staggering 20 years.

Dr Lim Hock Siew told a gathering organised by Function 8 in 2011 that in prison, his plans were by the decades. If a prisoner thinks of release, he will not survive.

The sacrifices of those who were arrested and imprisoned under Operation Coldstore are enormous. Singaporeans should never forget the contributions of Dr Lim Hock Siew and his compatriots, Said Zahari, Ho Piow, Lee Tse Tong, Dr Poh Soo Kai and many others. They gave up their young families and successful professional careers for us. Their imprisonment without trial is a great loss to Singapore.

Photos:

Photos NAS – Dr Lim Hock Siew being arrested outside Queenstown Prison after his technical habeas corpus success in 1967.

Dr Lim Hock Siew emerging from his grand Mercedes in 2011 at a gathering organised by Function 8.

Memorial booklet for Dr Lim Hock Siew in 2012.

https://nandazhan.com/zh/rlinfushou.htm

一身青史激宏图
追思林福寿医生逝世十周年

── 德 仁 ──


成王败寇贵交呼,
反暴惩凶战帅孤。
慈厚医生扶世志,
真儒学士笔端粗。
高墙铁腕冷霜日,
韬曜含光热血途。
福寿尽天归宇界,
一身青史激宏图。

=============================
详文可参阅《友谊信箱》——
纪念林福寿 医生逝世十周年》。


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俄乌战争谁‘胜’谁‘负’都将决定了未来世界政治格局的走向

俄罗斯与乌克兰的战争到了今天已经整整100天了。人们把焦点集中在谁是战争的战胜者?谁是战败者?

问题上胜利者是否已经达到其初始政治目的?战败者的下场如何?

讨论这个课题前,必须明确一个重要的观点:

本文章不是鼓吹以武力解决国与国之间的纠纷(包括领土主权和国家安全等问题).而是在面对以美国为首穷凶极恶的战争贩子,以及它们利用各种手段与藉口对各国人民进行挑衅、颠覆,在所在国进行扶植傀儡,拉拢区域国家进行围堵和威胁的情况下,被威胁的国家理所当然必须尽自卫反击,别无选择!

战争已经进行了100天龙。

如何看待俄罗斯在乌克兰的‘特别军事行动’战争?

显然,俄罗斯在乌克兰进行的军事行动一开始就明确地说,它反对美国、欧盟和北约不遵守承诺,无休止东扩。同时已经在乌克兰境内建立针对俄罗斯的军事设施,为此,俄罗斯为了国家主权与安全被迫采取‘特别军事行动’进入乌克兰!

俄罗斯在劝说以美国、北约和欧盟为首的西方国家不成的情况下,不得不采取了‘特别军事行动’后,以美国、北约和欧盟为首的西方国家立即浑身解数,把手上可以用来制止俄罗斯在乌克兰的‘特别军事行动’的‘法宝’全部派上场——采取全球性和全方位的制裁俄罗斯!

。俄罗斯确实面临:风雨来压满楼 黑云压城城欲摧的局面——俄罗斯可能会在地球上消失,或者成为美国人的‘跟班’!?

当时一些国家(包括中国在内)都坚持国与国之间的任何纠纷必须通过谈判解决而不是以军事行动进入对方国家。

问题上。当俄罗斯通过和平谈判与劝说的形式与乌克兰及西方国家进行了数年的谈判。但是,西方国际并没有接受或者考虑俄罗斯的诉求。因此,俄罗斯以维护国家主权和安全为由展开了‘特别军事行动’进入了乌克兰!——俄罗斯对西方的恶霸行径终于采取了以牙还牙的立场!

俄罗斯与乌克兰之间已经进行了100天了。俄罗斯继续并不断扩大其‘特别军事行动’。现在俄罗斯不再宣称是‘特别军事行动’了!而是变成了‘解放战争’——乌克兰链接俄罗斯的东部领土和出海港口现在已经控制在俄罗斯手里!

到了这里,我们在思考俄罗斯在乌克兰的‘特别军事行动’时,不得不回看一些历史事件作为参考。

A. 以武力解决国与国之间的纠纷的战争

一、中国对越南进行的反击战

如果大家不会忘记1979年邓小平亲自决定:中国出兵越南的理由是:对方不断在中越边境进行挑衅,中国人民的人命财产受到了威胁与损失!必须予以教训!

中国在战争开始时明确声明,绝对不会占领越南一寸土地!教训后就撤军!

中国做到了吗?做到了!

但是,真的教训了越南了吗?

没有。

今天越南不但没有悬崖勒马,反而更加反华,而且与美国人走得更近!

二、抗美援朝战争

1950年6月,在朝鲜劳动党领导下的朝鲜人民军向朝鲜南部进军,占领了朝鲜南部的汉城。随着,美国人打着联合国的旗帜派兵进入了朝鲜半岛反击朝鲜人民军。

刚在1949年成立的中华人民共和国面对以美国为首的‘联合国军’。中国共产党别无选择,把中国人民解放军军服上的‘中国人民解放军’换上了‘中国抗美援朝志愿军’。跨过中朝之间的鸭绿江进入朝鲜,与朝鲜人民共同抵御以美国为首的‘联合国军’。在这场抗美援朝战争中,中国抗美援朝志愿军约22万人战死在朝鲜战场。目前在朝鲜有一个中国人民抗美援朝志愿军的陵园。

朝鲜战争爆发已经过去了72年。

如何看待中国的抗美援朝?

历史证明:当时中国共产党觉得派兵志愿军支援朝鲜人民抵御以美国为首的‘联合国军’的决定是正确的。

为什么?

因为时值中华人民共和国在1949年10月1日成立。国民党蒋介石与美国人不甘心于接受在国民党被赶出中国大陆的事实,在美国的支持下,蒋介石把希望寄托在美国在朝鲜半岛战争的胜利——即美国人进入中国的东北,他就可以一心一意要进行‘反共大陆’!

中国共产党已经看穿了美国人是要通过在朝鲜半岛的军事行动,迫使中国共产党不得不分出兵力阻止美国人从东北进入中国。这就是促成了中国共产党不得不采取与朝鲜劳动党共同抵御‘联合国军’的进攻决定!这样一来,蒋介石也就可以通过台湾海峡进攻中国最南端,面向台湾的福建省重新进入中国,来一个南北‘夹攻’,完成‘反共大陆’的计划!

然而,1953年7月27日,面对中朝两国人民的顽强抵御,以美国为首的‘联合国军’被迫与朝鲜政府在朝鲜半岛38度线签署了‘板门店停战协议’。朝鲜战争的‘停战协议’让美国人与蒋介石‘反共大陆’的计划破灭!

72年来,朝鲜政府尽管面对美国为首的西方国家在经济上继续围堵——制裁,但是,他们在这72年期间得以进行战后重建成为一股在朝鲜半岛身上在军事上足以压住南韩与美国的不断挑衅的力量!也让蒋介石的‘反共大陆’的梦想彻底破灭。大家有到台湾101大楼参观,可以找到一张图片。这张图片说明,蒋经国为什么提出要在台湾进行10大建设的计划?蒋经国认为,既然‘反共大陆’计划已经无法实现了,国民党必须在人力、精力和经济集中在建设台湾。让人们去比较在国民党统治下的台湾和在共产党统治下中国大陆在人民的生活水平!

同样的,中国政府在72年来确保了中国东北的安全稳定,把一个千疮百孔经济落后的国家建设目前一个繁荣富强、现代化的经济与军事大国。

这个得来不易的和平外在环境是建立在中朝两国人民军事上挫折了美国为首的‘联合国军’的侵略,用鲜血换来的前提下实现的。

三、中印边境战争

1962年10月20日到1962年11月21日,中国与印度发生边境战争。中国把这场战争定性为‘边界自卫反击战’。毛泽东把这场战争称为‘军事政治战’。中国在获胜后主动撤回中国应有的边界。中国表明,中方坚持以和平谈判解决边界问题,反对以武力改变边界现状的立场。在战胜后把被俘虏的印度士兵予以友好照顾并送回给印方。

从那个时候起,尽管过去60年来中印边界时有军事冲突,但是都是属于零星事件。

为什么中印之间的战争没有进一步扩大化,原因在于中国没有侵略或者占领印度的任何野心。中国把这场战争定性为“政治军事战争”。也就是说,告诉印度,中国为保卫国家主权领土完整,完全有能力对付任何外来侵犯中国领土的外国势力。

您如何看待上述各场战争?它们与俄乌战争是否有相似,或者是可以作为参考?

对一场战争结果的评论,不是以双方人数伤亡和国家被破坏的程度作为准则!而是以战争结束后所带来的长期结果,特别是政治成果为准则。

以下让我们再谈谈历史上外国的侵略与弱国抵御强国的入侵的战争。

B.大国支持下的被侵略国家的战争历史事件

  1. 国民党‘战略性撤退到台湾’

在抗日战争结束前,蒋介石已经动手对付共产党了——著名的‘皖南事件’。他派妻子宋美龄前往美国要求美元、武器和军事顾问。美国人答应了,也给了蒋介石飞机、大炮、黄金、美元和军事顾问团对付穿草鞋手持步枪的共产党。

结果是,共产党比原定计划提早3年完成了解放全中国(除台湾省外)。蒋介石也‘战略性地及时撤退到台湾’。他在‘伺机反攻大陆’。

2. 美国在印度支那战争的惨败

美国人扶持了吴挺炎、阮文绍傀儡政权,在了印度支那(越南、柬埔寨和老挝)发动了战争。在越南战场上投入了大量的具有高度杀伤力的现代化武器(包括化学武器)、美军军事顾问和美国大兵都投入了战场。

结果是,它们扶植的印度支那3国傀儡全部被推翻消灭。大量的美国军事援助武器都落入的印度支那3国人民手里。一场残酷和灭绝人性的战争在‘巴黎会谈’签署和平协议中就此谢幕!

3. 越南入侵柬埔寨

统一后的越南开始对印度支那其他2个国家(老挝和简欧债)存有并吞之意图(即成立‘印度支那联邦’)。1979年,它们藉口红高棉波博集团在柬埔寨进行灭绝人性的大屠杀,为主持‘正义’出兵柬埔寨进行惩罚。事实是,越南违背了越战期间,柬埔寨国王同意让越南利用越南靠近柬埔寨边境的一小块土地,作为中国支援越南抗美救国战争物资的补给线,也就是大家所熟悉的‘胡志明小道’。当时越南答应柬埔寨西哈努克国王在战争结束后把这小块土地归还给柬埔寨。但是,从1975年越战结束到1978年,越南并没有归还这块土地给柬埔寨。结果,导致后来的越南入侵柬埔寨的事件。事实上,这就是一起两国间的边界划分问题。越南就是使用武力霸占键柬埔寨的领土。尽管联合国、亚细安组织等国际社会要求越南立即撤出柬埔寨。但是,在当时的苏联的支持下,越南根本不把国家社会的呼吁放在眼里。直到苏联解体后,越南失去的靠山,才不得不被迫撤出柬埔寨。

4. 美国在阿富汗战争的连夜撤军

美国人利用‘911’事件在全世界范围进行了所谓‘反恐行动’。并以此藉口对南亚地区(特别是阿富汗、巴基斯坦),以及中东地区(特别是伊朗、叙利亚、伊拉克、利比亚等国)进行清剿恐怖分子和组织的军事行动。它们进入阿富汗的理由就是阿富汗的塔利班政权是世界上恐怖主义的大本营,必须消灭阿富汗的政权。

结果是,美国人在阿富汗坚持了10年,经不起长期的军事消耗,它们不得不在去年夜里灰溜溜地撤回美国,留下一个烂摊子让阿富汗人民自己去收拾。

×××××××

咱们回看了上述(A)和(B)的战争历史事件。

这几场战争都是我们大家所熟悉的。这几场战争都是发生在亚洲。这几场战争的特点就是:

1.美国在背后挑起、主导和供应武器与金援;

2.战争的双方都是亚洲人;

3.在战争局势不利于美国人愿望和利益时,它们都抽身而去。

4.美国过后都不再提起这几场战争了!

好了。让我们看看目前正在进行的俄乌战争有哪些情况是相似的?

  1. 俄罗斯与乌克兰之间就乌克兰加入北约与欧盟已经进行了长时间的会谈,反对它加入北约与欧盟,并同时反对它允许美国和北约在其境内设立对准俄罗斯的非常规杀伤性武器;同时,俄罗斯也向美国、北约和欧盟表达了自己担心及反对它们把北约成员国向东扩充到乌克兰。俄罗斯确实一直通过会谈方式与乌克兰及美国、北约及欧盟进行沟通。但是这一切都徒劳无功;
  2. 乌克兰总统泽连斯基在俄罗斯进行‘特别军事行动’初期,仗着有美国、北约及欧盟的承诺,特别是对俄罗斯启动全方位的制裁那一刻,泽连斯基胸成竹地展现要与俄罗斯进行决战决心。但是,随着战事的发展——乌克兰东部领土一块块地被俄罗斯占领、西方国家内部正在为俄罗斯实施‘石油与天然气’及以俄罗斯决定以卢布作为购买石油与天然气的交易货币的政策,北约及欧盟对乌克兰的支援开始出现了分歧和行动无法一致的现象。100天前的泽连斯基是一个戏剧演员,100天后的泽连斯基会变成是悲剧演员——被美北约及欧盟抛弃吗?乌克兰人民和国际社会把学林数据当成是闹剧小丑吗?;
  3. 西方国家除了启动全方位的对俄罗斯制裁行动外,在过去100天不断加大力度在军事上和经济上给予乌克兰全面的援助(美国目前已经投入580亿美金、欧盟也增加了90亿欧元的援助)。

面对这样严峻的形势,不论是俄罗斯或者乌克兰双方能够冷静的坐下来谈判吗?

答案是肯定不会。

俄罗斯一旦在会谈中接受乌克兰的任何 ‘停火协议’,等于过去100天的‘特别军事行动’是白干!

乌克兰一旦愿意接受俄罗斯的不再加入北约和让美国在乌克兰设立杀伤性非常规武器,以美国为首的国家已经付出的代价岂不是全部打水瓢。以美国为首的西方国家会答应吗?

届时泽连斯基不但要面对被美国人抛弃的厄运,同时面对国家即将面临分裂,国人将如何与他算这笔烂帐?

  • 俄乌战争已经进行了100天了。那些主张通过和谈解决两国问题的国家,现在也处于两难的局面!尽管战场的发展态势不利于乌克兰,西方国家仍然不甘心于接受泽连斯基就是当年的蒋介石,它们源源不断地把武器和军事人员送进乌克兰。尽管主张会谈的国家开始指责西方国家的这种行为,称之为叫:‘拱火’。但是却无法制止‘拱火’!

面对西方的‘拱火’和全面制裁,俄罗斯理所当然是不会接受‘停火’,除非泽连斯基彻底摆脱西方的摆弄。目前这种情况出现和谈的可能性相当小。何况是否要与俄罗斯进行和谈,泽连斯基说了不算,也做不了主!

俄罗斯是否可能实现其‘特别军事行动’的目标?

我相信,俄罗斯不会重蹈当年中国出兵教训越南一样的结果。

因为,目前俄罗斯面对的环境相当的险峻。

如果俄罗斯无法实现‘特别军事行动’的目标,其后果不仅仅是普京个人的问题,而是俄罗斯从此失去了其作为国家超级强国的地位!这对中亚细亚国家、及在亚洲的中国与朝鲜都将面对以美国为首的西方的围堵!(美国已经策划了日本与南韩加入北约,并通过筹组‘印太经济组织’拉拢印度、越南、菲律宾等亚洲国家。)

是否可以这么说,一场俄乌战争将决定了未来整个世界政治格局的走向?


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(中英文版)傅树介医生在《赛查哈利狱中诗集》发行会上的讲话 DR. POH SOO KAI READ AT THE LUNCH OF SAID ZAHARI’S POEMS FROM PRISON/ PUISI DARI PENJARA

(中英文版)傅树介医生在《赛查哈利狱中诗集》发行会上的讲话

本篇文章是傅树介医生《赛查哈利狱中诗集》发布会上宣读的。全文如下:

赛查哈利在新加坡和马来西亚的历史地位是根植于两个方面——新闻工作与政治。在新加坡,他是一名被长期监禁的政治犯。他是于1963年在代号《冷藏行动》大逮捕下被捕的.于1979年被释放。在马来西亚,他因具有敏锐的观察力被尊为最受尊敬的马来语新闻工作者。他拒绝屈服当权者提供的任何诱惑。

1951年,年纪28岁的赛查哈利担任了新加坡马来前锋报的记者。1955年,他被报馆委派到吉隆坡设立马来前锋报吉隆坡办事处。在这期间,他接杰出的报导了当时以首相东姑阿都拉曼马来亚联合邦政府和代表英国殖民者,时任新加坡首席部长的马绍尔为一方与以马共总书记陈平领导的马来亚共产党为另一方举行的著名的‘华林会谈’的历史性新闻。

当‘华林会谈’谈判破裂后,赛查哈利问东姑是否会为此感到失望。令赛查哈利感到惊讶的是,东姑的回答说,他就是希望会谈失败。东姑的回答立即成为新闻头条。他撰写在报章上。当时但当局禁止刊登这则新闻。为此,他最终只能把这则新闻纪录在自己的回忆录。

马来前锋报成为马来社群一份主要媒体报章后,于1958年前把总部迁往吉隆坡,而成为了马来亚联合邦全国性报章。赛查哈利和拉欣依萨成为这份全国性报章的新编辑。当时的主编是友索夫依萨。1959年,友索夫依萨后来成为了新加坡最高元首。主编的位置就一直悬空。李光耀在赛查哈利与友索夫依萨的弟弟拉欣依萨之间选择了赛查哈利接任该报的主编位置。

赛查哈利在接任主编工作后才惊讶的发现,吉隆坡当局拒绝了他。经过查询,他终于知道,李光耀是要告诉吉隆坡,赛查哈利是他安插吉隆坡的人。赛查哈利向吉隆坡当局提出抗议,自己根本就不是行动党的党员。吉隆坡方面相信了赛查哈利的话。赛查哈利在吉隆坡采访新闻的工作得以顺利进行。

从1961年开始,马来亚巫统要控制马来前锋报的编辑政策,赛查哈利及其编辑部的同事反对吉隆坡的控制政策,坚持报章编辑的独立自主性。由于这样导致了马来前锋报编辑部展开的罢工抗议行动。这项罢工抗议行动党获得了全力支持,包括了非编辑部的同事。但是,罢工行动最终仍然是失败。东姑通过马来亚银行予以无限权力(即终止从财政上支持马来前锋报)以平息这场罢工行动。

赛查哈利被迫到新加坡寻求进步的工运组织和职工会进行筹措资金。他联系了行动党的帝凡那寻求支持。赛查哈利感谢他。他告诉帝凡那在罗敏申路马来前锋报报馆的罢工现场与他见面。帝凡那没有如约赴会。帝凡那的失约,让赛查哈利最终看清的他的真面目。

以上是我对赛查哈利统治的一些美好的回忆——他具有为争取新加坡和马来亚实现民主及以最终以人民的利益为主的反殖运动的坚定不移的信心。

赛查哈利的诗集是在狱中撰写的。后来被释放撰写了回忆录。

期望他一生的斗争与牺牲精神永续鼓舞着年轻的一代继续前进。

DR. POH SOO KAI READ AT THE LUNCH OF SAID ZAHARI’S POEMS FROM PRISON/ PUISI DARI PENJARA

The following message is from Dr Poh Soo Kai. It was read at the launch of Said Zahari’s Poems from Prison/Puisi dari Penjara at TACS:

Said Zahari’s place in the history of Singapore and Malaysia is rooted in two related fields—journalism and politics. In Singapore, he is best known as one of the longest-serving political prisoners who was arrested in Operation Coldstore in 1963, and was released only in 1979. In Malaysia, he is honoured as one of the most revered Malay-language journalists for his acumen, and for his refusal to succumb to the lures offered by those in power.

Said joined the Singapore-based Utusan Melayu as a journalist in 1951 at the age of 28. In 1955, he was sent to Kuala Lumpur to set up Utusan’s office there. He covered the historical Baling Peace Talks conducted between the Communist Party of Malaya led by Chin Peng on the one side, and on the other, Chief Minister of the Federation of Malaya Tunku Abdul Rahman, and David Marshall, Chief Minister of the Crown Colony of Singapore.

When the talks collapsed, Said asked Tunku if he was disappointed. To his surprise, the Tunku replied that he had wanted the talk to fail. It was a big news scoop. Said wrote about it but it was banned from publication at the time. He finally managed to put it on record in his memoir.

When Utusan Melayu, a mainstream Malay newspaper, moved from Singapore to Kulala Lumpur in 1958 and became the national paper, Said Zahari was its news editor together with Rahim Ishak. The chief editor was Yusof Ishak, later made Yang di-Pertuan Negara of Singapore in 1959. The position of chief editor then fell vacant. Between Said and Rahim (Yusof’s younger brother), Lee Kuan Yew, acting for the paper, chose Said to be Utusan’s chief editor.

Shortly after that, Said was surprised that all doors to the government offices in KL were closed to him. Upon inquiry, he found out that the reason was that Kuan Yew had told UMNO that Said was his man in KL. Said protested and pointed out that he was not even a PAP member. The officials in KL believed Said and threw open their doors to him again.

In 1961, UMNO wanted to control the editorial policy of Utusan. Said and the editorial board were for maintaining an independent position. This led to the historic Utusan strike, which was supported wholeheartedly by all, including the non-editorial staff. But they could not win. Tunku was given an unlimited overdraft to quell the strike via UMBC (United Malayan Banking Corporation).

Said went to Singapore to raise funds to support the strike among the progressive labour and trade unions there. He was contacted by Devan Nair of the PAP, proffering support. Said thanked him and told Devan to meet him on the picket line at the Utusan office at Robinson Road. Devan never turned up. And that was the last time Said set sight on Devan.

These are some of my fond memories of my comrade Said Zahari – unflinching in his resolve in the anti-colonial struggle of Malaya and Singapore to give birth to a democratic and people-centric new nation.

Said wrote poems while in prison and his memoirs in later years after regaining his freedom.

May the memory of his struggle and sacrifices live on through his works and continue to inspire generations to come.