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通告:韩慧慧小姐申请于2014年7月12日下午4点在芳林公园举行《归还我们的公积金+健保双全》集会已经获得园林局正式批准。

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光头财爷,别耍滑头!——哪壶水开了就不提哪壶—他们抓小放大!—蟾蜍必须吐出肚里银子!!

行动党的大权贵们在公积金的问题上已经阵脚慌乱了!

1.李显龙先生以个人的名义和诚信受到鄞义林先生的‘质疑’而告上了公堂以诽谤诉求赔偿了!——老百姓关心的公积金问题已经抛到九霄云外!——他请老百姓自己听下回分解去了!——他与鄞义林先生的个人名义与诚信诽谤赔偿案件已经无法阻吓老百姓给予鄞义林先生在精神和经济上的大力积极支持!截至2014年6月22日下午3点整,通过银行转账系统捐给鄞义林先生的筹措法院抗争的法律基金捐款是110,299元!——即便是李显龙先生个人的案件通过新加坡政府总理办公室新闻秘书张丽琳发表声明也无济于事了!

2.陈川仁不知是临危授命出面,还是自告奋勇挺身而出(待查。可能为争取出线,让自己能当上未来的第一把手把!瞎猜。胡说的。别当真。)一而再的保证公积金是‘绝对安全’的承诺也烟消云散了!——因为,鄞义林先生在2014年6月7日举行的《归还我们的公积金》集会上揭露的有关公积金局与淡马锡控股、新加坡政府投资有限公司(GIC)和金融管理局之间的关系以及提出要求公开透明与可信性的管理制度的诉求!——老百姓现在更加怀疑他的承诺到底说的是真的还是假的!

3.老百姓对公积金问题越来越多的疑问!这已经是大势所趋了!行动党不得不让掌管财政的新加坡共和国的副总理兼财政部长,光头财爷善达曼请出前台来!他袒胸露乳的向老百姓保证公积金的制度是‘坚固可持续’的——那就是说:老百姓安啦!一切都没有问题!!——从上个世纪70年代李光耀不断修改有利于他们更好的控制公积金管理的条例,行动党为什么现在要出来进行信心喊话????

为什么行动党的大权贵们必须一个个亲身站到第一线安抚老百姓!?——老百姓在公积金的问题那么直截了当就可以理解是咋回事!他们不需要行动党在推销‘建国一代配套’和‘终身健保双全’那样费劲通过方言、‘麻将牌’等方式进行讲解!?不需要动员后宫的丫鬟们上街抛头露脸买风骚帮忙行动党说明‘建国一代配套’和‘终身健保双全’对老百姓的‘好处’呢?——理由很简单,行动党的‘建国一代配套’和‘终身健保双全’是告诉老百姓病了没钱治疗时才会用到!——老百姓在公积金户头里的存款是老百姓经过30-40年辛勤工作后的血汗钱!那是两个根本性质不同的问题!——行动党的那个‘建国一代配套’和‘终身健保双全’是当老百姓生病或过了70岁之后的事!——公积金户头的存款是老百姓活着和退休时可以立即用来维持退休生活的血汗钱!

我在2014年6月18日的文章《项庄乱舞剑、鄞公人气旺!群猪乱嚎叫!丫鬟唱戏忙!——行动党将继续在公积金和医药社保等民生问题的泥潭打滚!——必须迫使含在蟾蜍嘴里的铜板吐出来!》(见https://wangruirong.wordpress.com/2014/06/18/)

“我们必须指出:

如果行动党的大权贵们认为:不需要彻底放弃李光耀为公积金制定的政策,只要继续玩弄一些哄骗老百姓的伎俩,就可以达到‘头过身体就过’的想法!那是行动党的大权贵们的事!咱们不会管、也无法管、更不会为行动党目前处于四面楚歌而‘深表同情’!

行动党的淡马锡控股集团、政府投资有限公司和金融管理局必须无条件全部退出管理、使用公积金的存款作为对外投资的融资工具!如果它们以公积金的存款作为在资本市场融资的工具,他们必须立即无条件的让这些作为工具的存款数额与他们的资本市场融资脱钩!

这是目前行动党的大权贵们最为‘茶饭不思’的问题是——没有含着铜板的蟾蜍还会给赌枭带来‘旺盛赌运’吗!——行动党长期控制的淡马锡控股集团、政府投资有限公司和金融管理局在自我撇清与公积金的存亡关系!——没有‘担任’和‘管理公积金资金的管理机构’的身份后将何去何从?”

这就是为什么行动党的大权贵们一个个不顾体面、袒胸露乳的急着跳出来为公积金的存款问题做出‘安全保证’的根本原因!

老百姓在公积金局的存款真的出了乱子了吗?!

不!如果真的出了乱子,那就如我在《陈川仁,行动党在公积金问题上就是坐在活火山口上!——谁想当新加坡未来的总理都必须解决!含糊不了!推脱不了!》(见https://wangruirong.wordpress.com/2014/05/31/)

“公积金问题就是一座活火山!行动党就是坐在这座活火山口上!行动党是要自己走下火山口,还是让炙热的火山熔浆自伤?那是行动党自己的事!咱们不管!咱们也不操这个心!时间绝对是在老百姓这一边!”

行动党根本就不是为公积金的‘安全’担心而做出什么‘保证’!他们是在玩‘抓小放大’的游戏!

为什么?

因为鄞义林先生在2014年6月7日在芳林公园举行的《归还我们的公积金》集会上发表的演讲内容以及6000人出席公积金集会的人数让行动党吓坏了胆子!(见
https://wangruirong.wordpress.com/2014/06/08/)

鄞义林先生在《I belive in a New , United Singapore我坚信一个新的、团结的新加坡必将实现》的演讲中已经把淡马锡控股、GIC和金融管理局三者之间的关系淋漓尽致的展现在老百姓面前了!

鄞义林先生说,

“问题就是:谁有能力保护我们的钱?现在的情况是不透明的!当不存在着透明的情况下,是否会有正直的情况产生?如果没有透明性,那是否会有正义?当没有透明性,是否会存在可信赖性?当没有可信赖性,我们怎能知道我们的公积金的命运如何?”

鄞义林先生的讲话是在陈川仁以政府部长的身份做出‘承诺’公积金的‘安全’‘保证’后在这个集会上提出的。

显然,陈川仁的‘承诺’已经无法获得老百姓的认可!也安抚不了老百姓心中的焦虑!因此,行动党的大权贵们不得不让光头财爷出来喊信心话!

光头财爷说的话能算话吗?老百姓会相信吗?能够释解老百姓心中的疑虑?

鄞义林先生在当天的集会的讲话提出了如下的问题!

“为什么新加坡人民无法退休?为什么我们不能够提取我们的公积金?什么原因造成了我们的公积金被困在户头里无法被提取?当不存在透明性时,是否还有正直性?在此,我要再一次问政府,新加坡政府投资有限公司和淡马锡控股是否动用我们的公积金存款?新加坡政府投资有限公司和淡马锡控股动用我们的公积金存款去为自己赚取利润是多久的时间了?新加坡政府投资有限公司和淡马锡控股是否动用我们的公积金存款一共赚取了多少利润?

我们需要完整的记录报告!我们不是要目前的记录报告。这个记录报告是从1974年开始,就是淡马锡控股开始营业那年!为什么新加坡人民无法退休?为什么我们不能够提取我们的公积金?什么原因造成了我们的公积金被困在户头里无法被提取?当不存在透明性时,是否还有正直性?

在此,我要再一次问政府,新加坡政府投资有限公司和淡马锡控股是否动用我们的公积金存款?新加坡政府投资有限公司和淡马锡控股动用我们的公积金存款去为自己赚取利润是多久的时间了?新加坡政府投资有限公司和淡马锡控股是否动用我们的公积金存款一共赚取了多少利润?

我们需要完整的记录报告!我们不是要目前的记录报告。这个记录报告是从1974年开始,就是淡马锡控股开始营业那年!”

这就是今天行动党的大权贵们面对公积金问题的关键!

根据鄞义林先生上网收集到有关淡马锡控股、GIC和金融管理局之间的关系,咱们尝试以下这个资本融资的结构图(The structure of Tamasek Holding and GIC’s structure finance)来说明淡马锡控股与GIC如何在资本市场进行资本融资以及如何获得投资回报以及支付给公积金会员的存款利息。
架构图-page-001

什么叫着‘结构融资贷款’(structure financing loan)?

简单的说,这是投资者在80年代开始在资本市场进行筹措项目投资建设资金的一种融资工具方式。这是融资方式的特点就是借款人必须拿出实际的和可靠的抵押物给予贷款人。借款人在取得融资后进行投资建设再从项目建设交付使用后在经营过程中经过若干年偿还所借贷的资金。

贷款人为此给借款人提出了一个借款的架构图。借款人必须符合这个架构图里的每一个环节所需的条件。我们管叫它为‘结构融资贷款’。

正如鄞义林先生在集会上提出的问题: “我要再一次问政府,新加坡政府投资有限公司和淡马锡控股是否动用我们的公积金存款?新加坡政府投资有限公司和淡马锡控股动用我们的公积金存款去为自己赚取利润是多久的时间了?新加坡政府投资有限公司和淡马锡控股是否动用我们的公积金存款一共赚取了多少利润?”

鄞义林先生说的是实事求实的话。

淡马锡控股和GIC就是在利用了以下的优越融资条件在资本市场进行融资贷款和高风险投资。这些融资的条件就是:

1.新加坡所有受公司雇佣的受雇者都按照政府规定的数额每月缴交公积金并存入自己的公积金户头。公积金会员存入这个户头的存款必须等到政府规定的退休年龄或符合规定的条件才有权或有资格取出使用。因此,在公积金的存款只有越来越多,也绝对不会出现任何向银行与金融机构的‘挤提’现象!

2.建屋发展局已经建成的政府组屋租赁给老百姓。租赁户已经偿还该组屋全部租赁金。这些偿还租赁金的租户没有把租赁权抵押给第三者,是属于‘干净的租赁组屋’产权;

3.建屋发展局按租赁合同约定每月按时收到租赁户通过公积金局或银行缴交的租赁金;

4.建屋局让老百姓签署尚未开始建设或正在建设中的政府组屋的《预先租赁合同》。这是作为确保借款人保证所有未建或在建住房项目已经有买主,作为确保项目贷款不会被滥用。

5.为了体现淡马锡控股和GIC在这些资金和资产的真正实力,以便在资本市场融资是更加顺畅无阻。行动党政府就委任了它们为公积金局的资金管理人和新加坡政府控制下的所有国家固定资产管理人!

6.为了说服贷款人对他们使用公积金和其他固定资产作为贷款抵押物的安全性,行动党就美其名说,新加坡政府的内阁主要领导人成为他们的董事会成员,以监督他们的投资营运行为。

这就是鄞义林先生在6月7日演讲中提出的如下事实:

“在新加坡政府投资有限公司的网站上,他们以前说明事实:‘新加坡政府投资有限公司是负责管理新加坡政府的国家储备金的。但是为什么公积金会进入国家储备的笼子里?后来,公积金就成了金融管理局、或者是新加坡政府投资有限公司、或者是淡马锡控股管理了!对我们而言,这是含糊的!’

他们同时也说,‘政府代表财政部与新加坡政府投资有限公司的往来关系。不论是直接或间接的干预新加坡政府投资有限公司的投资决定。新加坡政府承担了新加坡政府投资有限公司董事会全面的投资决策的责任。’

我查阅了新加坡政府投资的董事部成员名单时,董事会主席是新加坡总理李显龙。他们的董事是2位副总理,善达曼和张志贤、教育部长王瑞杰和贸工部长林勋强。新加坡政府投资有限公司的高级顾问是李光耀。”

具有资本融资市场基本常识的人都知道,全世界的银团贷款给借款人时,从来就明确不接受所谓的‘政府担保’的行为作为保证偿还贷款的条件!因为一旦在偿还贷款期间这个负责‘担保’的政府垮台,下一届政府和它们的老百姓肯定不会继续这个承诺,也没有义务履行这个承诺!

行动党政府非常了解这个具关键性的问题。因此,他们为淡马锡控股和GIC到资本市场进行融资贷款做出来上述的安排!他们把新加坡政府的内阁成员加入了这两个公司的董事会。这样就给贷款银团造成了一个非常深刻的印象!——这两家公司是管理新加坡现金最丰厚的公积金局的资金管理经理;它们也是新加坡政府的固定资产的管理公司!这两家公司的董事会成员包括了新加坡政府的内阁成员!——万无一失、跑得了和尚,跑不了庙!

对于贷款银团而言,尽管它们管理的固定资产是占新加坡人口75%以上的政府组屋。但是,租赁户的租赁权极其复杂(有的租赁户已经付清租赁金、有的租赁户的支付租赁金期限长短不一、有的租赁户不是通过公积金局偿还租赁金的,他们在马宝山时代‘开放’允许民间银行借贷给租赁户偿还租赁金的),对贷款银团而言,一旦出现追索贷款时,清算固定资产是极其复杂和长期的,但是,能够把固定资产作为保证还款的第二抵押物是有利于还款保证的条件之一;

他们的无形资产就是新加坡政府的内阁成员是董事会的成员。这是变相的政府担保行为!——新加坡政府为这两家公司的董事会成员,也就是变相的为这两家公司对外投资贷款承担了担保行为!——这就是,咱们经常可以看到新加坡的主流媒体不时在吹嘘淡马锡控股在国际资本融资市场上的评级是属于三个AAA顶级的投资公司!因此,这两家公司在国际资本市场进行融资贷款时,贷款银团都会给予极其优惠的贷款利率和更长的还款期的贷款条件。这是任何与银行打过交道的商人都具有的普遍常识。

鄞义林先生在6月7日演讲者指出了:“在这个事实被揭穿后,新加坡政府投资有限公司更改了他们在自己网页上的说明。现在,他们说,‘新加坡政府投资有限公司是与金融管理局共同管理证券发行和新加坡政府为此做出的担保行为,那是因为公积金局董事部已经动用了公积金进行相关的投资。公积金的资金并没有直接转入新加坡政府投资有限公司户头由他们管理。其中的一个资金来源是进入了新加坡政府的资产,并由新加坡政府投资有限公司进行管理。这是从新加坡政府证券那儿发出的。

新加坡政府投资有限公司说了什么?他们说,公积金局投资在新加坡政府的证券上是属于新加坡政府的资产,这个资产是由新加坡政府投资有限公司负责管理的,简单的说,我们的公积金是由新加坡政府投资有限公司进行管理。

当时,一本书名叫《国家发展:关联、人事或重组》( Development States: Relevancy, Redundancy Or Reconfiguration)说了如下一段话:

‘从1970年末开始,公积金的储备金是公共部门的盈余。这笔资金已经成为淡马锡控股在国内的混合投资或是新加坡政府投资有限公司在国外的混合投资的资金。’”

(鄞义林:《I belive in a New , United Singapore我坚信一个新的、团结的新加坡必将实现》(见:https://wangruirong.wordpress.com/2014/06/08/)

到了这里,为什么行动党在老百姓要求取出公积金存款的问题上始终不愿意松口的底线就显现出来了!

行动党在鄞义林先生提出了有关政府让淡马锡控股和GIC利用公积金进行对外投资的被揭穿后,淡马锡控股和GIC立马把在自己设立的网页说明公司的业务部分删除了与公积金局的资金管理人以及政府的所有的固定资产的资产管理的说明!

鄞义林先生说:“无论如何,我在上个星期再去浏览这些网站时,政府已经删除或更改了一些在这些网站有关的说明。现在你再也无法看到公积金是被用来投资在新加坡政府投资有限公司和淡马锡控股。

这2项被更换的主要证据是:

1. 政府已经删除了有关‘公积金是投资在储备金’的信息;

2. 政府已经删除了有关有新加坡政府投资有限公司、淡马锡控股和新加坡金融管理局管理这笔储备金的信息。”

(鄞义林:《I belive in a New , United Singapore我坚信一个新的、团结的新加坡必将实现》(见:https://wangruirong.wordpress.com/2014/06/08/)

到了这里,咱们就完全明白行动党大权贵们现在焦急啥了?!

他们现在面对的就是:

1.在老百姓强大的压力下,行动党不得不考虑撤销委托这两家公司作为资金管人和产业管理的法律依据的话,那么,这两家公司今后在国际资本融资市场的‘AAA’评级地位如何保住?

2.在老百姓强大的压力下,行动党不得不考虑把这两家公司在投资中赚取的丰厚利润拿出来与公积金会员均分或按比例支付电话,那么,这两家公司的董事部成员还可以继续享有丰厚的红利吗?

3.在老百姓强大的压力下,这两家公司无法如以往一样随意拿公积金的存款作为第一抵押物,固定资产作为第二抵押物的情况下的话,那么,国际资本融资银团还会继续提供优惠的贷款条件,包括优惠的贷款利率、还款期等等吗?

显然,行动党的大权贵们自己心理非常有数!他们知道,一旦蟾蜍的嘴里不再含着铜板块,国际资本融资银团要求贷款条件将会逐渐提高。这两家公司在国际进行风险投资赚取的丰厚利润将会受到沉重的打击!

所以,行动党的大权贵们、丫鬟及其走狗和御用文人始终不愿针对对老百姓要求归还公积金存款和公开透明化有关淡马锡控股、GIC和金融管理局利用公积金存款进行的投资给予正面的回应!

到此,我把这篇文章的题目定为:

光头财爷,别耍滑头!——哪壶水开了就不提哪壶!—他们抓小放大!—蟾蜍必须吐出肚里银子!


留下评论

项庄乱舞剑、鄞公人气旺!群猪乱嚎叫!丫鬟唱戏忙!——行动党将继续在公积金和医药社保等民生问题的泥潭打滚!——必须迫使含在蟾蜍嘴里的铜板吐出来!

2014年6月7日新加坡人民再一次展现了自己的力量!

在新加坡年轻人韩慧慧小姐的积极组织与推动下,在芳林公园举行了一场激动人的《归还我们的公积金》集会!根据媒体以及集会主持人的估计,出席集会的人数约为6000人。这是超过了2013年2月8日举行的《反对人口白皮书》的集会的人数!(当时估计出席的人数约为3000人。)

这场集会的特点在于:

1. 会议的组织者和推动者不属于任何政治组织的成员。她就是一位年纪只有23岁的小女孩,名叫;韩慧慧小姐。

2. 当天集会的发言人当中最受欢迎的演讲者就即将与行动党大权贵们进行法院抗争的鄞义林先生。他是当天集会的聚焦人物!

3. 当天的集会是在行动党的大权贵们决定把鄞义林先生的诽谤民事诉讼案件提交法院解决和警方不允许组织者张挂标语布条的情况下进行!在白色恐怖笼罩下集会始终一致处于高昂反对行动党的公积金管理政策和要求归回公积金的情绪中!

咱们可以从以下制作的集会图片视频可以说明这一切!(见《老天爷已经看到和听到老百姓要求《归还我们的公积金》的呼声了!行动党的大权贵爷们在国会里听到了吗?!看到了吗?!》)
https://wangruirong.wordpress.com/2014/06/11/%e8%a1%8c%e5%8a%a8%e5%85%9a%e7%9a%84%e5%a4%a7%e6%9d%83%e8%b4%b5%e7%88%b7%e4%bb%ac%ef%bc%81%e8%80%81%e5%a4%a9%e7%88%b7%e5%b7%b2%e7%bb%8f%e7%9c%8b%e5%88%b0%e5%92%8c%e5%90%ac%e5%88%b0%e8%80%81%e7%99%be/

图片(1)YOOUTUBE 网站:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SU8qUQ3O2yA

图片(2)YOOUTUBE 网站:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fkbAnmUtUY0

图片(3)YOOUTUBE 网站:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WFf_4AOiX_c

图片(4)YOOUTUBE 网站:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3s_wWfHrqBc

图片(5)YOOUTUBE 网站:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f2811ffejzs

图片(6)YOOUTUBE 网站:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0kuHduT0kEA

这次集会的意义在于:

1. 行动党的大权贵们选择在集会开始举行前决定把鄞义林先生的诽谤民事案件提交到法院进行民事诉讼。非常明显,行动党的权贵们是要利用鄞义林先生的诽谤民事制造白色恐吓!
没用!

出席集会的人数直接告诉行动党大大权贵们的信息是:李光耀时代使用的那套白色恐吓手段和起诉对手破产的伎俩已经不灵!特别是对年轻、受英文教育的群体已经起不了作用!反对行动党的受英文教育群体,特别是年轻一代已经成为一支强大的争取自由、民主和平等的生力军!

2. 行动党已经无法爬出掉进公积金、医疗保健和引进新移民的泥潭里的厄运!而且必将是使自己越滚越陷越深!——现在摆在行动党的权贵们的面前只有2条路:

a. 要嘛,他们必须老老实实的与这些年轻人坐下来谈!这一点对行动党而言,不论在时间上、舆论上已经能够没有太多的选择余地!——因为这是第四代土生土长的新加坡年轻人的心声!他们是代表绝大多数土生土长的新加坡公民,特别是建国一代以及即将退休的群体!

b. 要嘛,继续蛮干下去!继续采取连哄带骗的手法,继续向老百姓,特别是建国一代进行‘解释’!——这样的结果只能是让行动党深陷泥潭,不能自拔!

3. 行动党利用法律赋予警察的权利,通过直接或间接的手段企图阻挠集会的顺利进行!结果是激怒了韩慧慧小姐!正如韩慧慧小姐在集会直截了当的说,“他们是使用肮脏的政治阻挠我主办这个集会”!“这是肮脏的政治手段”!“李光耀根本就不配当建国总理,建国总理应该是林清祥”!——韩慧慧小姐的愤怒不是她个人的发泄!她是代表了第四代土生土长的新加坡人的心声!未来不管谁参与全国大选、谁在大选后取得执政权都离不开听取第四代土生土长的新加坡人的心声!
视频网址:http://huihui247.blogspot.sg/2014/06/returnourcpf-stop-increasing-minimum.html?m=1
新加坡公民李显龙先生起诉新加坡公民鄞义林先生的民事案件已经彻底的暴露了行动党蜀中无大将和江郎才尽杂乱无章的狼狈处境!

行动党的大权贵们控制的新加坡主流媒体在新加坡公民李显龙先生起诉新加坡公民鄞义林先生的名义诽谤民事诉讼案件始终采取了全面封杀报道鄞义林先生已经激起老百姓的更加不满!尽管如此,鄞义林先生的法院抗争所需筹措的法律基金截至2014年6月13日网上10点整,已经筹措到$107,769元 !(鄞义林先生在开始向老百姓筹措法律基金的数额目标是预订在7万元。)

funds-raised-by-14-june-2014-10pm1

大战未开、粮草具备!

这说明了什么?这说明了:

1. 民心思变!——新加坡行动党政府是否获得70%人民的信任?行动党大权贵们自己已经能够心里有数了!行动党不需要等到来届全国大选才知道民心的去向!

2. 在资讯发达的今天行动党控制的主流媒体控制已经无法主导和引导新加坡舆论导向了!
行动党的大权贵们在新加坡公民李显龙先生起诉新加坡公民鄞义林先生的名义诽谤民事诉讼案件已经为行动党即将提前举行全国大选丢下不可确定的变数!——鄞义林先生在这场涉及千家万户的老百姓的血汗钱的‘归还我们的公积金’和名义诽谤民事案件的法院抗争尚未开打已经赢得了开门红!

在国际和国内强大舆论压力下,在老百姓不顾一切的捐款给支持鄞义林先生的法律基金的行动中,行动党的大权贵们所圈养的蠢将军和草包精英们已经看到了这一点!但是,行动党的大权贵们并没有识时务!他们在那些蠢将军和草包精英们的谏言下,又干了一系列连他们的祖师爷都不会干的如下蠢事!

1. 行动党的淡马锡集团(TMG)、政府投资有限公司(GIC)和金融管理局(MAS)已经连祖师爷的颜面都顾不了!——他们为了避风头与撇清自己与调用公积金自己的关系,除了发表前后不一的矛盾声明外,还不顾一切的一夜之间把已经在自己开设的网页上的结束说明自己与公积金之间的关系全都给删除了!——行动党的大权贵们做贼心虚!他们正在从错误中走向错误!(此事后谈。)

2. 行动党的蠢将军和草包精英们使出了李光耀世道的那套烂招!——全面封杀对手的经济来源,企图以此迫使鄞义林先生就范!——鄞义林先生工作的老板——新加坡陈笃生医院解雇了鄞义林先生的雇佣合同!——这本来就是预料中的事!——因为陈笃生医院本来就是淡马锡控股集团属下的子公司之一!鄞义林先生绝对不会心惊胆跳!土生土长的新加坡公民绝对不会因为行动党的使出这一烂招而畏惧继续对鄞义林的支持!——陈笃生医院和新加坡共和国政府卫生部竟然为了一个普通的医疗护理人员的终止雇佣合约要特别发表声明来说明这个决定和支持这个决定!——这是行动党为自己的丑行画蛇添足、做贼心虚!!

3. 在行动党内混了半个世纪的大权贵们继承李光耀法西斯政权在半个世纪前使用的赶尽杀绝的手段,又把这场战争的战火扩大到鄞义林先生的老爸小本上生意上!——鄞义林先生的老爸在李显龙先生的选区宏茂桥四道大牌107经营的小本生意竟然也成了行动党进一步要迫使鄞义林先生屈服的‘资源’!——本来咱们土生土长的新加坡都不了解鄞义林先生和他的老爸的私事的!这下可好了!行动党成了鄞义林先生的老爸业务拓展的义务生意的招来员!——老百姓都到鄞义林先生老爸哪儿买炒萝卜糕吃了!——一个小本生意的小摊位现在竟然成了热卖点!——蠢!行动党大权贵们尿急也顾不上自己的高贵的身份了!(这是鄞义林先生的老爸给大家的亲笔致谢字!)

鄞义林老爸
新加坡公民李显龙先生起诉新加坡公民鄞义林先生的名义诽谤案件是一宗民事诉讼案件!不论法官大人对这起案件的判决结果如何?是李显龙先生如心所愿获得‘金银满贯’!还是鄞义林先生赔得‘倾家荡产’!这个案件还是属于民事案件!
所谓‘民事案件‘就是个人之间的纠纷无法私了,最终提交法院进行诉讼,让法院裁决吧了!绝对不会有死人的事!绝对不会有人为此必须去蹲大牢的事!——除非在这起案件中有一方摆明法院是他家的后院、法官是他家的管家!——呵呵!如果双方其中的一方必须走到这一步,那就是新加坡已经进入军阀统治!或者是封建暴君时代了!
我谅,行动党的大权贵们所圈养的那些蠢将军和草包精英们还不敢向他们的主子做出如此大胆的谏言!

行动党的大权贵们在这起民事诉讼案件尚未开庭就乱了方寸说明了什么?这是说明了行动党的权贵们已经没招了!他们必须动用全国的统治机器向一个手寸铁的年轻人施压!

行动党的大权贵们,记住:得道多助、失道寡助!这是老祖宗几千年的教导!这是绝对没错的!距离7月的开庭时间已经没多少了!距离全国大选的日子时间也已经没有多少!

行动党的大权贵们因公积金的问题和2位土生土长的新加坡年轻人干上了!这是行动党的独裁者李光耀在1961年与与林清祥为首的左翼力量分裂以来至今面对的最狼狈的事!这更是从1963年以来。李光耀动用了所有的国家统治机器对付左翼组织和爱国进步民主人士让自己陷入不可自拔的泥潭中最严重的一次!

行动党的大权贵们与2位土生土长的新加坡年轻人进行周旋已经近一个月了!我们可以对此的初步总结!

1.对鄞义林先生施压的结果是:

筹措法庭抗争的法律基金截至2014年6月13日网上10点整,鄞义林先生所筹措到的法院抗争的法律基金已经筹措到$107,769元 !——哈!这小伙子越战越勇!——行动党的大权贵们没辙!——现在摆在他们面前的是——要收多少赔偿数额才能显示李显龙是属于摆放在乌节路和滨海湾金沙高档店里的橱窗的高档货物!——明码标价!——再来的问题是——这钱收了是往自个儿兜里装?还是捐给慈善机构?——反正,行动党的大权贵们和精英们现在就是一只蜗牛!它的头已经进了洞,壳进不了!——这事还有的折腾!

反过来,鄞义林先生却已经让自己的这场周旋中得到了锻炼、长了智慧!在老百姓的积极和坚定不移的支持下,鄞义林先生显得‘胜似闲庭’!他有理有利有节的与行动党的大权贵们进行了斗争!行动党大权贵们现在只能按照鄞义林先生划出的圈圈瞎转!
这个事件是行动党大权贵们一手挑起的!行动党大权贵们挑起了这个事件后,无法控制事件的后续发展!——事件的发展没有按照行动党的大权贵们拟定的路线图走!这是行动党的大权贵们事前料所不及的!

2.对韩慧慧小姐施压的结果是:

行动党的大权贵们就是不信老祖宗的话!他们一直以为,韩慧慧会小姐就是一个‘个体户’,而且是‘小娃娃’。是一个未经风雨见世面的‘弱女子’!——就像中国的电影《刘三姐》里的财主情请来与刘三姐对歌的三个秀才一样看不起刘三姐在群众中的威信和号召力!

行动党的大权贵们对韩慧慧小姐在2014年6月7日组织和推动的《归还回我们的公积金》的集会采取了高压手段、肮脏政治手段的结果是;韩慧慧小姐决定在2014年7月12日再一次在芳林公园举行集会。这次集会的主题进一步扩大了!——《归还我们的公积金——医药保健生命》(RETURN OUR CPF——MEDISHELD LIFE)!

韩慧慧小姐已经把为咱们土生土长的新加坡公民争取归还公积金的斗争进一步提升到同时要求行动党的大权贵们必须同时归还我们的医药保健户头的血汗钱!

韩慧慧小姐的这个新的机会主题必将进一步团结更多的各阶层老百姓加入她领导的运动中!行动党的大权贵们必须为此重新调整和制定应对韩慧慧小姐的策略!

1958243_10204344590401706_1340210619845226796_n归还我们的公积金集会

可以这么说,行动党的大权贵们与老百姓在公积金问题上进行的博弈即将进入了肉搏战阶段了!

我在《行动党‘项庄舞剑’——意在:阻吓受英文教育群体爱国民主力量的发展壮大!咱们‘围城打援’——形成‘百团大战’让行动党在民生问题的泥潭里打滚!》(见https://wangruirong.wordpress.com/2014/05/25/%e8%a1%8c%e5%8a%a8%e5%85%9a%e9%a1%b9%e5%ba%84%e8%88%9e%e5%89%91-%e6%84%8f%e5%9c%a8%ef%bc%9a%e9%98%bb%e5%90%93%e5%8f%97%e8%8b%b1%e6%96%87%e6%95%99%e8%82%b2%e7%be%a4/)一文中已经说了!

“那是因为他们的‘调整’政策牵动了方方面面的问题,结果就是出现目前的这个局面!——80后和90后的新加坡年轻人,特别是受英文教育的年轻人不再相信行动党所说的鬼话!他们开始进行思索!行动党已经无法压制这些年轻人思索、寻求真相的冲劲!行动党也无法满足他们争取实现他们的诉求!——李光耀为‘后李光耀时代’‘创造’的这个美梦在国内形势的发展下完全被打破了!

这就是鄞义林先生事件的这个核心问题!!!——行动党是‘千载难逢’遇上了鄞义林先生的‘口直心快’的‘良机’,利用鄞义林先生的事件要‘教训’受英文教育群体,不让这个‘不正之风越演越烈’!要受英文教育的群体必须自我克制!否则,他们将会采取对付鄞义林的政策对付任何敢于与行动党叫板的人!

这就是为什么说:行动党是在表演‘项庄舞剑’的大戏!他们就是‘意在沛公’——他们要向受英文教育群体下马威!!”

现在,咱们可以说,行动党的《项庄舞剑,意在沛公》已经破局!

我在《将军精英何其多!小龙无奈小民何!借问霸道欲何往?纸船蜡烛当空烧!——行动党的恐吓、高额索赔 、起诉破产手段无法挽救必然走下神台的厄运!》一文中说:(见
https://wangruirong.wordpress.com/2014/06/03/%e5%b0%86%e5%86%9b%e7%b2%be%e8%8b%b1%e4%bd%95%e5%85%b6%e5%a4%9a%ef%bc%81%e5%b0%8f%e9%be%99%e6%97%a0%e5%a5%88%e5%b0%8f%e6%b0%91%e4%bd%95%ef%bc%81%e5%80%9f%e9%97%ae%e9%9c%b8%e9%81%93%e6%ac%b2%e4%bd%95/)

“现在摆在行动党大权贵们的面前已经没有退路了!

行动党的大权贵们只有一条黑道走到底!——法院判决鄞义林先生必须支付任何数额的赔偿,鄞义林先生必须支付。法院判决李显龙先生必须获得任何数额的赔偿,李显龙先生必须接受。

一方支付、另一方收取!——那结果是:支付钞票的一方赢得了老百姓的同情!——呵呵!这个老百姓心目中英雄是行动党的大权贵们所意想不到的局面!?

那结果是:收取钞票的一方输掉了政治资本、失去了民心!呵呵!还得为这些钞票找归属!还得为如何挣回政治资本揪心!

即便是行动党的大权贵们已经找到钞票的归属,行动党也无法挽回已经彻底失去的民心!——明确的说:行动党的爷们已经为自己走下神台找到了下台阶!”

行动党的大权贵们现在不但需要忙于向国内外的舆论辩解自己的所作所为!还必须为法院的任何判决结果,不论是获得‘如愿以偿’的数额,或是‘令人失望’的数额付出沉重的政治代价!——即将来临的全国大选怎么办???公积金是涉及千家万户老百姓血汗钱的问题!

我在《陈川仁,行动党在公积金问题上就是坐在活火山口上!~谁想当新加坡未来的总理都必须解决!含糊不了!推脱不了!》一文已经给了行动党的大权贵们说明他们未来的日子!(见
《https://wangruirong.wordpress.com/2014/05/31/%e9%99%88%e5%b7%9d%e4%bb%81%ef%bc%8c%e8%a1%8c%e5%8a%a8%e5%85%9a%e5%9c%a8%e5%85%ac%e7%a7%af%e9%87%91%e9%97%ae%e9%a2%98%e4%b8%8a%e5%b0%b1%e6%98%af%e5%9d%90%e5%9c%a8%e6%b4%bb%e7%81%ab%e5%b1%b1%e5%8f%a3/)

“摆在行动党人的面前只有一天路:放开对公积金的独霸管制!该让人民领取的时间就必须让人民领取!人民应该领取多少数额,就必须让人民领取多少数额!不要在公积金的问题上搞小动作!公积金问题就是一座活火山!行动党就是坐在这座活火山口上!行动党是要自己走下火山口,还是让炙热的火山熔浆自伤?那是行动党自己的事!咱们不管!咱们也不操这个心!时间绝对是在老百姓这一边!”

现在行动党全党上下都像热锅上的蚂蚁,他们正在为如何面对老百姓要求归还公积金、让建国一代无条件和全面的享有医药保健福利!行动党的大权贵们目前所编制了一些哄骗老百姓的‘童话’只能让自己越来越深陷泥潭!

因此到了今天,我也必须修改第一篇文章的题目了!——那就是:《项庄乱舞剑、群猪乱嚎叫、蠢奴口悬河、丫鬟成舞娘!》

这是行动党今天最典型的写照了!

行动党今天面对这样的狼狈困境,并不是有人刻意设陷阱让这群蠢家伙掉进这个泥潭的!这个泥潭的设计者就是行动党本身!把行动党推进这个泥潭还是行动党自身!

行动党目前的处境是第四代的行动党大权贵们求胜心切!他们没有章法、没有按照他们的老祖师爷李光耀的剑谱出招!他们把自己设计好的《项庄舞剑》计划,全部给自己人打乱了!现在,他们就是一群掉进泥潭里的蠢猪!老百姓现在都站在泥潭边看着这几头蠢猪在烂泥巴里打滚!

行动党这群蠢猪这么干说明了什么?说明了这群蠢猪跟、跟本就没有从老百姓在短短的几天里自发自动踊跃捐款给鄞义林的法律基金得行动中得到启示!

行动党这群蠢猪余兴未了对鄞义林的父亲经营的小本生意进行刁难!说明了他们已经进入蜀中无大将、江郎才尽了!

如果说三国演义里的‘关公一拳打死一只蚂蚁’是‘杀鸡用牛刀’的典故!那么,现在行动党这群蠢猪们就是动用了国家防御导弹系统(NMD)来打蚊子!——呵呵!美国人也真是可爱!现代的中国人把NMD用在网际网路的语言就是:你妈的!

行动党大权贵们!您们真是‘你妈的’蠢啊!?现在‘蚊子打不着’是全世界的舆论和老百姓都已经看到了闹剧啊!

行动党大权贵们的这个‘国家防御导弹系统(NMD)打蚊子’的计划已经不再是鄞义林先生和韩慧慧小姐个人的问题了!事情的发展已经进入了另一个阶段了!——或者说的比较理论化,那就是已经从量变进入质变了!

现在就别说行动党的大权贵们把养在后宫的丫鬟都派上街头后巷去卖相,就是让她们去站街去卖身也没用!因为,行动党最终还是必须回到要不要归还老百姓的公积金和为什么建国一代不能够无条件的享有全面的医疗健保福利这两个问题的基本问题上!

老百姓现在不再相信行动党的所吹嘘的‘建国一代配套’和‘全民健保计划’给他们带来的‘恩惠’!老百姓现在关心的是:我们公积金去了哪儿?何时归还我们的公积金?我们到底要工作到几岁才足够养老和养病?

行动党的大权贵们自己也没有想到,或者说他们已经想到必须在来届大选前为解决公积金问题和医疗保健问题等涉及千家万户的民生问题摆摆谱,避免来届成为反对党作为竞选的课题!

但是,经过这些蠢驴将军们和草包精英们一搞。现在行动党已经为反对党设定好大选的议题了:

那就是:

1. 必须把公积金归户头里的退休金全部还给老百姓定下明确的时间表!

2. 必须让建国一代无条件的、免费的享有医疗保健的福利!

3. 必须进一步缩紧引进外来移民政策,提高土生土长的新加坡公民的薪金!特别是低薪工人的基本起薪!

我们必须指出:

1. 目前老百姓对行动党处理公积金的问题所产生不满不是受任何人的煽动!这是行动党在李光耀长期的霸权主义领导下,独断独行的任意修改公积金条例所一手造成的!行动党的大权贵们必须为李光耀的倒行逆施政策尝恶果吧 了!

2. 如果行动党的大权贵们认为:不需要彻底放弃李光耀为公积金制定的政策,只要继续玩弄一些哄骗老百姓的伎俩,就可以达到‘头过身体就过’的想法!那是行动党的大权贵们的事!咱们不会管、也无法管、更不会为行动党目前处于四面楚歌而‘深表同情’!

3. 行动党的淡马锡控股集团、政府投资有限公司和金融管理局必须无条件全部退出管理、使用公积金的存款作为对外投资的融资工具!如果它们以公积金的存款作为在资本市场融资的工具,他们必须立即无条件的让这些作为工具的存款数额与他们的资本市场融资脱钩!

这是目前行动党的大权贵们最为‘茶饭不思’的问题是——没有含着铜板的蟾蜍还会给赌枭带来‘旺盛赌运’吗!——行动党长期控制的淡马锡控股集团、政府投资有限公司和金融管理局在自我撇清与公积金的存亡关系!——没有‘担任’和‘管理公积金资金的管理机构’的身份后将何去何从?

所以本篇文章就是定为:

项庄乱舞剑、鄞公人气旺!群猪乱嚎叫!丫鬟唱戏忙!——行动党将继续在公积金和医药社保等民生问题的泥潭打滚!——必须迫使含在蟾蜍嘴里的铜板吐出来!

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TAN JING QUEE – 3 YEARS ON by Dr G Raman陈仁贵逝世三周年纪念——作者:律师G。拉曼博士

陈仁贵

注:
1.本篇文章转载自人权组织FUNCTION 8网站。
2.本篇文章作者G.RAHMAN博士是一位律师。他于1977年在内部安全法法令下被李光耀逮捕。

文章全文如下:

50年代中期
The Mid-fifties

我在60年前,就是1954年第一次与仁贵见面。当时我们一起进入来佛士学院。今天的来佛士城的位置就是当年的来佛士学院原址。要进入来佛士学院必须是通过全国入学考试的鉴定。它的鉴定考试的程序与目前的小学离校考试的程序相似。考试成绩最优异的学生才获准进入来佛士学院。仁贵的求学时期已经能展露了他的才华。
I first met Jing Quee in 1954, 60 years ago, when we both entered Raffles Institution. Its campus was where Raffles City now stands. Entry into RI was based on the results of the state-wide entrance examination, the predecessor of the present PSLE. The best were admitted to RI. Jing Quee had already displayed brilliance at an early age.

我们长大了。社会问题和政治问题主宰着我们的价值观和立场。1955年是华校中学生要求暂缓服兵役的抗议行动。英勇的越南人民在武元甲将军的领导下打败了法国人。

We are products of our age. The social and political forces at play determine our values and attitudes. 1955 was the year of the protest by Chinese middle school students against conscription for national service. The French had been defeated by the brave Vietnamese people at the Battle of Diem Phien Phu under General Vo Nguyen Giap.

在这一切世界局势巨变的前五年,毛泽东站在天安门层楼上对着天安门广场高呼“中国人民站起来了!”,占全世界人口百分之25的人民响应他的号召站起来了!

Barely five years earlier, Mao Tse-tung had stood on the parapet at Tiananmen Square calling upon the Chinese people to “stand up”. One-fourth of humanity heeded his call and stood up.

朝鲜半岛战争的结束把朝鲜半岛分割成了两个国家。冷战开始肆虐。一道从北大西洋(NATO)公约穿过中东(中东公约)到东南亚公约(SEATO)组成的军事包围圈紧紧的把中国和苏联包围起来。中国和苏联正在尝试建立新的社会制度。这个社会制度就是一个更加平等的社会。苏联已经取得了一定程度的成绩。中国采纳了社会主义的经济和社会发展模式。
Though the Korean War had ended dividing the nation into two, the Cold War was raging. Russia and China were ring-fenced by military treaties stretching from the North Atlantic (NATO) through the Middle East (METO) to East Asia (SEATO). Russia and China were experimenting with a new social order to establish a more equal and egalitarian system. Russia had succeeded to a certain extent and China was adopting the socialist model of economic and social development.

反殖民主义和争取解放的运动席卷了从加勒比海到亚洲和整个非洲大陆。联合国推展了非殖民主义化和城市权利以对抗殖民主义者通过它们在殖民地的代理人尝试疯狂的保留自己的殖民地。

Anti-colonial and liberation movements were raging from the Caribbean to Asia through Africa. The UN had launched a decolonisation programme and the metropolitan powers were against the wall trying frantically to retain a foothold in their former colonies through proxies.

这股争取独立和民主的浪潮也在新加坡产生了一股政治势力。这股势力中的受英文教育的分子就是马来亚民主同盟。这个组织汇聚了律师、医生、新闻工作者和教师。受中文教育的分子有自己的组织,如校友会。这些组织把有共同理想的人——争取新加坡独立作为他们不可推卸的责任的人集合在一块。

The clamour for independence and democracy had created political groups in Singapore. One of the organisations among the English speaking activists was the Malayan Democratic Union a gathering of liberals – lawyers, doctors, journalists and teachers. The Chinese educated had their own organisations Like the Old Boys’ Association which joined other like minded groups struggling for independence with Singapore as an integral part. Singapore was a crown colony ruled autonomously by the British after the Straits Settlements comprising Malacca, Penang and Singapore was dismantled in 1948. “Merdeka” was in the air.

1954年人民行动党诞生。它的成员包括了律师、医生、教师、新闻工作者、工人和商人。它发布了两本小册子包括了党的宣言和政策。制定这些政策的作者阐明了包括各个方面,例如教育、职工会、多元种族团结和多元语言。它坚持为争取一个包括新加坡在内的独立、民主和社会主义的马来亚。每个人都把新加坡视为马来亚的一个组成部分。

1954 was also the year PAP was formed. It had among its members, lawyers, doctors, teachers, journalists, workers and businessmen. It published two slim brochures containing its manifesto and policies. The policies were enunciated by authors covering different areas like education, the trade unions, multi-racial unity and multi-lingualism. It stood for an independent, democratic, socialist Malaya including Singapore. Singapore was treated as an integral part of Malaya by everyone.

1954年英国政府也为新加坡提出了给予自治政府的宪法并同时在全岛举行投票的一年。这个宪法叫着《林德宪制》。它为后来的立法议会选举25立法议员铺平道路。

1954 was also the year that the British government proposed a Constitution for Singapore to grant self-government and for holding of island-wide election. The Rendell Constitution as it was called, paved the way for the election of 25 members to the Legislative Assembly.

这就是仁贵在来福士学院是当年的政治环境。我记得他出席了立法议会的会议和人民行动党的群众大会。当时大多数学生都具有政治思想意识。他们在学校组织了一个辩论团体。他们经常谈论政治课题。仁贵成为了政治辩论团体的主席。
This was the political milieu during Jing Quee’s RI days. I remember him attending the Legislative Assembly meetings and PAP rallies. Most students were politically conscious at that time and they formed Literary and Debating Societies in their schools. They discussed the political issues of the day. Jing Quee became the President of the RI Literary and Debating Society.

仁贵不但具有高智商,而且也具有强壮的体格。他是篮球好手。他是来福士学院的1st XL 。他也是出名的现场雄辩家。

Not only did Jing Quee have brain power, he also had brawn power. He played football and was the striker for the RI 1st XI. He was known for his speed in the field which matched his oratorical speed.

大学生涯
Days in the Varsity

仁贵在1960年进入马来亚大学就读文学系。那些在大学里政治性的讨论、论坛和辩论活动是经常举行的。当时没有如我们现在这样限制讨论政治课题。当时也没有限制学生必须注册成立政治俱乐部才可以进行政治活动。当时也没有限定在某段时间完成学业,以便完成尚未参与国民服役的事件时间。仁贵成为了(马来亚大学)社会主义俱乐部的主席和唤醒思想觉悟的俱乐部的会讯《华惹》的主编。
Jing Quee joined the University of Malaya in 1960 and read for an Arts degree. Political talks, forums and debates were the order of the day. There was no restriction as we have now on political matters. There was no requirement that a political club should be registered before students can embark on political activities. There was no rush to complete the courses in time to make up for lost time on national service. Jing Quee became the President of the University Socialist Club and the editor of its thought-provoking publication, Fajar (Dawn).

在1960年,大学确实是知识分子的活动中心。在1959年的大选,人民行动党在议会选举的51个选区的议席中获得了43个议席。很多在校的学生加入了支持人民行动党的竞选活动,这些学生后来都成为了新加坡的进步势力的先锋队。这些争取自由的先锋者当中的一个人后来成为了(人民行动党)的秘书长。但是,他最终很快就抛弃了他的理想和他的党立场。

The University in 1960 was truly an intellectual hub. The PAP had captured 43 of the 51 seats in parliament at the 1959 election. Many of the undergraduates joined the campaign in support of the PAP as it was then the vanguard of the progressive forces in Singapore. Its Secretary General was the champion of freedom at that time but he was soon to jettison all the ideals that he and his party stood for.

仁贵在《华惹》的文章和社论是众所周知的深入和具有文学含量的。他在大学毕业后并没有在私人企业寻找一份高薪工作或当上公务员。他拥有优异的英语水平的程度。他是适合在教育部获得一份稳定和特殊的教书差事。他放弃了这一切而加入了工会。当时他在工会受薪时,每月只领取500元的薪金。对于他而言,追求自己的理想是比物质享受还要来的重要。
Jing Quee’s articles and editorials in Fajar were known for their depth and literary flair. After graduation he did not look for a highly paid job in the private sector or in the civil service. With his mastery of the English language he could have got a teaching job in the Ministry of Education with security of tenure and the perks that go with a government appointment. He shunned these and joined the trade union for a small pay of $500 per month. To him, living up to his ideals were more paramount than amassing material wealth.

参与政治活动
Entering Politics

人民行动党在一个很长的时期是强大的,但是不是在它组成的开始几年。当时行动党一位高级党员王永远挑战李光耀的总理职位。人民行动党党内的同志必须投票决定谁应该成为总理。这个投票结果出现大逆转。投票结果非常紧绷。人民行动党主席杜进才介入挽救了李光耀。杜进才把票投给了李光耀。

The PAP has been a monolith for a long time but not in the early years after its formation. One of the senior members of the PAP, Ong Eng Guan even challenged Lee Kuan Yew for the post of prime minister. The cadres had to vote on who they wanted as the PM. The voting took a surprising turn. The result was a tie. The chairman of the party, Toh Chin Chye cam to Lee’s rescue by giving him the casting vote.

仁贵以鄙视的眼光看待这一切。他知道这就是所谓的‘背叛’和‘扩张’。
Jing Quee watched all these with disdain. He knew the meaning of the words “treachery” and “aggrandizement.”

人民行动党内部的进步势力和反动势力之间的分裂不可避免的在1961年发生了。那些从行动党分裂出来的知识分子和活跃分子组成了新加坡社会主义阵线。林清祥成为新加坡社会主义阵线的秘书长。尽管当时仁贵与社会主义阵线没有任何组织上的关系,但是,仁贵还是以社会主义阵线候选人的身份参与了甘榜格南选区的竞选。他只微差100票落选。仁贵输给对手,行动党的拉惹勒南的原因是因为选民把1000张选票投给了无原则的人民统一党的夏万兴。假设夏万兴不进来搅局,这些选票应该是投给仁贵的

The inevitable split within the PAP between the progressive forces and the reactionary (anti-people) forces took place in 1961. The breakaway group of intellectuals and political activists formed the Barisan Sosialis with Lim Chin Siong as its secretary general. Though not organisationally linked with the Barisan at that time, Jing Quee stood as its candidate for Kampong Glam. Jing Quee lost by only around 100 votes. The votes for candidates opposing Rajaratnam were split with the unprincipled Harbans Singh of the United PeoplesParty polling around 1000 votes which should have gone to Jing Quee if Harns had not entered the fray.

1963年的拘留事件
Detention in 1963

仁贵的被捕是李光耀铲除所有反对他的政策的人的阴谋。那些强加在他们身上的罪名是,他们是共产党统一战线成员。他们从事颠覆活动以破坏摧毁新加坡!到底有没有任何证据足于支持李光耀的这种指责?在1963年2月的冷藏行动的期间,林清祥等人约200人就是在这样的罪名下被捕的。1963年2月,新加坡、马来亚和汶莱还是属于英国殖民地。在决定逮捕政治拘留者的问题时,李光耀试图把自己和内部安全委员会的这项决定切割,但是,实际的记录记载了他是积极的参与这项决定。

Jing Quee’s detention was part of Lee Kuan Yew’s plot to eliminate all those who dissented against his policies. The label that was fixed on them was that they were subversive and being members of the communist united front out to destroy Singapore! Was there any evidence to support this allegation? This was the same label that was pasted against more than 200 activists during Operatin Coldstore of February 1963 when Lim Chin Siong and a host of others were detained. In February 1963 Singapore was still a crown colony whose members were Singapore, Malaya and Britain. Lee tried to distance himself from the Internal Security Council’s decision on the detentions but records show that he was actively involved in it.

英国人已经解密了超过30年的档案资料。没有任何的记录、往来信件和文件证明林清祥是一个搞共产党统一战线的共产党员(请阅读具有详细资料的书籍《天上的彗星》“Comet in our Sky”和《新加坡1963年的冷藏行动——50周年纪念》)这些逮捕行动只是为了满足于李光耀的贪婪政权。

The British have opened their archives after the passage of 30 years. None of the minutes, exchange of correspondence and documents show any proof of the existence of a communist united front or that Lim was a communist (see the very informative books, “Comet in our Sky” and “The 1963 Operation Coldstore in Singapore – Commemorating 50 Years. The detentions were to satisfy Lee’s lust for power.

伦敦之旅
Trip to London

仁贵实在1966年被释放的。他到英国伦敦去研读法律以避开新加坡沉闷的气氛。英国的伦敦是一个政治活跃分子集聚的热点城市。你可以在伦敦阅读任何书籍、出席任何论坛和与来自世界各地的任何社会活动分子见面。
Jing Quee came out of prison in 1966. He headed for London to read law and to escape the stifling atmosphere in Singapore. London in the mid-60s was a hothouse of political activities. One could read any book, attend any forum and meet any social activist from whichever part of the world he came.

仁贵是一个沉浸于阅读的人。他经常流览书局和图书馆。那个时候电脑或网际网路上还未出现。他出席讲座会、讨论会和工作坊与大家分享自己的广泛的知识。

Jing Quee was a voracious reader. His regular haunts were the bookshops and libraries. There were no computers or internet. He attended talks, seminars and workshops shoring up his intellectual arsenal.

回到新加坡和法律实习。
Return to Singapore and Law Pratice

他与妻子ROSE一起到欧洲和亚洲的国家旅游。经过长途跋涉他回到新加坡。他非常满意这次充满奇异和扩大自己视野的旅游。仁贵的探索知识的精神是无边无际的。他是一个博学多才的人。你可以和他进行任何课题的交谈,他会对有关的课题说出自己的想法。
Jing Quee returned to Singapore overland. He travelled through Europ and Asia with his wife to be, Rose. The trip was to satisfy this curiosity and discover new horizons. Jing Quee’s quest for knowledge knew no bounds. One can talk to him on any topic and he will have to say something on it. He was a polymath.

仁贵加入了J.B.拉惹勒南的律师楼进行实习了一段时间后与林清如一起设立了一家活跃的清如与仁贵家律师事务所。这家律师事务所的业务发展扩充并成为了一个极其成为标志性律师事务所。仁贵热衷于自己负责的诉讼案件。

Jing Quee joined J B Jeyaretnam’s practice for a while before setting up a partnership with Lim Chin Joo. Jing Quee and Chin Joo as the firm was styled, flourished. The firm expanded and made a mark for itself. Jing Quee handled the litigation work and enjoyed practice.

他有一回告诉我,他成功的赢得了一场官司,这场官司是涉及到与《公司法》有关的相当复杂的问题。对方律师是一个在《公司法》诉讼案件的佼佼者。仁贵表现的极其冷静,藐视对方律师具有这样的成就背景。最终,他赢得了这场官司并获得了金融管理局的嘉奖。他在自己即将届满60岁是时计划退休,以专注于酷爱的阅读和写作。
He once told me how he succeeded in a case involving complex questions on company law against a lawyer who was a top notch in corporate law. But Jing Quee remained humble despite such successes and the accompanying monetary rewards. He was looking forward to retirement soon after he touched 60 so that he could spend more time with his first love – books and writing.

仁贵的写作兴趣极其广泛——包括了文章、短篇小说、诗歌和书籍。他的这些出版书籍包藏丰富的知识和具有教育意义的散文和诗歌。

Jing Quee wrote extensively – essays, short stories, poems and books. These contain a wealth of information and edifying prose and poetry.

1977年的被拘留
The 1977 Detention

在1977年2月,仁贵与其他16名人是在被指控从事颠覆活动和鼓吹共产党统一战线的罪名下被捕。我是属于第一批被捕者之一。我被贴上了“欧洲共产主义”的标签。这个极为创意性的罪名至今还不知道是啥东西?
In February 1977 Jing Quee was detained together with about 16others accused once again of being subversive and promoting the cause of the communist unite front. I was the first in this group to be detained and anther label was fixed, that of being “Euro-communists”, a creature hitherto unknown.

尽管这次的镇压逮捕行动引起了国际的强烈反响,但是,行动党还是我行我素。几个月后,我们当中的大多数人被安排了一个习以为常的所谓‘歉悔’或‘承认’的形式下被释放了。呜呼!1987年的‘光谱行动’行动所逮捕的的成员涉及极其广泛,它包括了工人、律师和专业人士。
There was international outcry against these repressive actions but the PAP government paid no heed to them. After a few months, most of us were released after making the usual template “confessions” or “admissions”. Alas, truth was a major casualty in all the detentions including the arrests of 22 social workers, lawyers and professionals in the 1987 Operation Spectrum.

仁贵,一个信息者
Jing Quee the Man of Letters

他是一个信息者。他不但浏览书海,他同时撰写和编辑了极其广泛的历史与政治的书籍。他把自己对事业的理想通过轻松但是激昂的诗歌表达了自己的理想。
He was a man of letters in both senses of the word. He not only read widely. He also wrote extensively and edited books on history and politics. He gave expression to his ideals in poetry som of which were light-hearted but stimulating. His poem on his detention stirs the soul.

仁贵,一个正直的人
Jing Quee the Man

陈仁贵是一个偶像。他是知识分子的典范!——博学、谦虚和基本人权的维护者。他唤醒了所有渴望和实现理想的人。我会永远珍惜他对自由事业所做出的贡献

Jing Quee was an icon. He is an exemplar of what an intellectual should be – erudite, humble and a champion of the rights of every person. He evokes all those ideals that we yearn for and want to see realized. I shall forever cherish his contributions towards the cause of freedom.


2条评论

老天爷已经看到和听到老百姓要求《归还我们的公积金》的呼声了!行动党的大权贵爷们在国会里听到了吗?!看到了吗?!

以下的视频网址是新加坡人民于2104年6月7日在芳林公园‘演讲者角落’举行的要求新加坡政府公开与透明管理政策管理新加坡人民的公积金而组织的《归还我们的公积金》 集会。

这个集会的组织者是22岁的韩慧慧小姐负责推动。尽管从公开宣布主办这个集会到集会举办的当天,韩小姐面对着行动党政府以公开和间接的手段企图干扰和阻挠集会的顺利举行!但是,当天出席集会的远远超过了2013年2月8日在同一个集会地点举行的《反对人口白皮书集会》集会的人数。

根据国内外媒体的估据,当天出席集会的人数约为6000人。(2013年2月8日在同一个集会地点的出席人数当时估计约为3000人)

《归还我们的公积金》集会图片(2)YOUTUBE网址https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fkbAnmUtUY0

《归还我们的公积金》集会图片(3)YOUTUBE网址https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WFf_4AOiX_c
《归还我们的公积金》集会图片(4)YOUTUBE网址

《归还我们的公积金》集会图片(5)视频网址:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f2811ffejzs
《归还我们的公积金》集会图片(6)视频网址:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0kuHduT0kEA


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历史学家就Kumar Ramakrishna先生评论覃柄鑫博士关于《林清祥是被错误逮捕》的文章做出的回应

注:1.本文的题目为:What is history: A glance at ‘Lim Chin Siong and that Beauty World speech: A Closer Look’June 10, 2014 Hong Lysa
2.本文章的网址:http://minimyna.wordpress.com/2014/06/10/what-is-history-a-glance-at-lim-chin-siong-and-that-beauty-world-speech-a-closer-look/


全文如下:

A historian’s business

If Kumar Ramakrishna, author of ‘Lim Chin Siong and that Beauty World speech: A Closer Look’ had only identified himself as Associate Professor and Head of the Centre of Excellence for National Security at the S Rajaratnam School of International Studies in Nanyang Technological University, I would not have bothered with his article at all .http://www.ipscommons.sg/index.php/categories/featured/177-lim-chin-siong-and-that-beauty-world-speech-a-closer-look

However, he also states that he is a historian by training. This makes it the business of historians, which I take great pride in being. As such, it is not possible to not take issue with his approach to history.

‘A Closer Look’ has one aim: to discredit PJ Thum’s assertion that the Lim Yew Hock government had abused the PPSO, which provided for detention without trial, when it detained Lim Chin Siong for urging the crowd that gathered to hear his address at Beauty World on 25 October 1956 to ‘pah mata’. Thum’s conclusion is based on his unearthing of what is so far the only copy of Lim’s fateful speech in recently released Special Branch files in the UK archives which reveals that contrary to the charge, Lim had in fact urged the crowd NOT to ‘pah mata’. [Link provided in ‘A Closer Look’]

The author takes for granted that Lim Chin Siong, and everyone else who was arrested by the Lim Yew Hock government in the days and weeks leading to the speech was a member of the communist party, and by that token was ruthless, violent, subversive and dangerous. They all deserve to be arrested and detained without trial. From that everything else flows. Hence, to the author, even though Lim Chin Siong had urged the crowd NOT to ‘pah mata’, he was in fact encouraging them to do so ‘in spirit if not in letter’, for that is what communists do. Thum was thus taking the ‘pah mata’ comment of Lim Chin Siong ‘totally out of context’, the author avers.

The Anti-colonial Context

History is about context: the wider circumstances that form the setting for an event, statement, or idea, and in terms of which it can be fully understood. The bald context the author has zeroed in is the Cold War, understood simply as the anti-communists vs the communists.

Yet there is a more fundamental context that he and other historians have suppressed: the anti-colonial movement that swept Singapore in the post-war years, which was put down by the Emergency in 1948, and resurfaced as a mass movement comprising in particular the Chinese middle-school students and workers following the May 13 1954 petition for the students to be exempted from national service which turned violent when the police used force in the streets to disperse them.

Lee Kuan Yew had stated in his radio talks ‘exposing’ Lim and other left-wing leaders as communists over the question of merger (Battle for Merger [1961]) that he recognized the vitality, dynamism and revolutionary fervour of the anti-colonial mass movement from the mid-1950s which he knew he needed to tap into. Colonial rule had to go—its business was not to rule for the benefit of the people, and the British had to be pressured to leave; dissatisfaction with the system that permitted exploitation of workers would no longer be tolerated, hence the burgeoning of labour unions which were ready to take strike action. The very first aim of the PAP as stated at its inauguration in 1954 was to end colonialism.

To the author however, the departure of the colonial power should be on its terms, rather than on that of the people of Singapore. Hence, the anti-colonial movement was not recognized as such, but as subversive and communist, and calling Chief Minister Lim Yew Hock who detained members of the anti-colonial left in order to impress the British ‘running dog of the British’ is using ‘dehumanising language’ and whipping up mob frenzy, while Lim Yew Hock’s action apparently had no part in it at all.

Without the pervasive anti-colonial context in which the Cold War rhetoric has to be understood, every action challenging the authorities, even if it is the colonial is to be condemned. And the legacy that the use of state violence is always justified, while any questioning or protests against it is communist/Euro-communist/Marxist-inspired, has remained a key myth in Singapore, where the same party has been in government since 1959.

Without the pervasive anti-colonial context, the author is unable to understand the statement he quotes made by Lim Chin Siong to Melanie Chew in 1996: ‘Was it my mistake, or was it the mistake of history that I had become a member of the ABL [Anti-British League] at the time?’

Nor would he be able to appreciate the significance of Lee Kuan Yew’s 5 May 1955 statement, at the start of CJ W-L Wee’s chapter which the author cites fairly extensively: ‘If I had to choose between colonialism and communism, I would vote for communism, and so would the great majority.’

The occasion of the speech

The author also ignores the more immediate context of the Beauty World speech. Firstly, it was not a made at a labour union event or one summoned by Lim Chin Siong. It was a People’s Action Party rally. On the stage along with Lim were party secretary Lee Kuan Yew, chairman Toh Chin Chye, and CV Devan Nair. The party chairman organized the rally, decided on the time, day and venue, and selected the speakers. He had earlier invited Gerald de Cruz organizing secretary of Lim Yew Hock’s party, the Labour Front to justify the series of detentions at the PAP rallies, but de Cruz did not accept the invitation. (Straits Times, 24, 25 October 1956). Lim Chin Siong, Legislative Assembly member for Bukit Timah, was designated the last speaker.

The Lim Yew Hock government had announced that at 8pm that evening ( Lim ended his speech one hour and ten minutes before that, as the organisers had arranged), troops would be sent into Chinese High School and Chung Cheng High to break up the students who were camped there for the past 15 days in protest against the banning of the Singapore Chinese Middle Schools Student Union, and the arrests of student leaders and teachers.

Surely there is no doubt that the PAP rally was addressing a gathering of people angered by the actions of Lim Yew Hock, and the violence on the part of the government that was imminent.

The rally commenced at 5.25 pm, Lim Chin Siong spoke from 6.25 to 6.48 pm. There would have been other PAP speakers before him, possibly the three other PAP leaders on the stage. The permit for the rally expired at 7 pm. The crowd dispersed 10 minutes before the deadline. An announcement was made that next rally was at Bukit Panjang on 27th and call was made for shouts of ‘Merdeka’ three times.

As we now know, Lim Chin Siong had urged the crowd not to yell ‘pah mata’, but ‘Merdeka’ instead.

A really close look at the speech

Looking at the context also means’ taking the speech as a whole, not just a snippet’, as the author himself has put it. In taking ‘a close look’, the author sees Lim Chin Siong’s speech as ‘inflammatory and aimed to stoke anti-government resentment towards the Lim Yew Hock government.’

Summary of Lim Chin Siong’s speech at Beauty World, 25 October 1956:

I. roll-call of those detained by Lim Yew Hock; groups and organisations that were banned.

2. Lim Yew Hock as running dog of the British. The people want the British to be driven out. Instead of enlisting the help of the people and joining up with other political parties to do this, he got the help of the British to fight against the people. Lim Yew Hock did nothing for the people, and was afraid he would be thrown out of office in the election in 2 years’ time. In return for the arrests of those who were strongly anti-colonial, the British would conspire to give his government independence so that the people would forget the arrests and laud him for obtaining independence, and elect him as prime minister.

3. Lim Yew Hock’s position is dependent on the use of the army and the police, and banishments and detentions without trial. This cannot go on forever. Even if the people are intimidated enough to vote for him in 1959, their desire for democracy remains, and sooner or later, Lim Yew Hock will be defeated.

4. Lim Yew Hock relies on the British, but they are no longer mighty and respected. They are now like lowly dogs that the people spit on. They are being chased out of Egypt, India, Cyprus and Africa.

5 The police are wage earners. They are all here to attend the meeting to oppose Lim Yew Hock. People don’t want to shout ‘Merdeka’. They want to shout ‘Pah Mata’. This is wrong. We want to ask the police to cooperate with us.

6. Lim Yew Hock is not worthy to represent the people; he should dissolve the government and call for an election to see if the people will support him. And we warn him that if he uses force against the students we, the people of Singapore, will not tolerate it.

7. We must let people know how bad the government is. I believe that no matter how oppressive the government is, it will be defeated if we are united. We must take certain action to retaliate against their oppressive action.

There are no records of there being ‘so many contemporary and later observers who have recounted’ that the speech was inflammatory, as the author alleged. The originating source, now revealed as fraudulent allegation was made in the Legislative Assembly by Minister of Education Chew Swee Kee on 26 November 1956. He stated that Lim Chin Siong had said: ‘Instead of shouting “Merdeka” the people should now shout, “Pah Mata”, which means “Beat the Police”’. Is there any doubt whatsoever as to who sparked off the riots?’

Taking the speech as a whole, it is evident that Lim Chin Siong was condemning Lim Yew Hock for the wave of detention of anti-colonial trade unionists, civic organisations, students and teachers. He was calling on the people not to despair, but to unite to get rid of Lim Yew Hock in the 1959 election, which the PAP would be fighting.

The discipline of history

What gives anyone claiming to be a historian, an academic even a student of social psychology the authority or legitimacy to claim that ‘it does not matter that Lim Chin Siong did not literally tell the crowd to ‘pah mata’?

According to the author, Lim Chin Siong was like ‘a well-known violent extremist leader in Indonesia who said, “I am only a craftsman making knives, so how am I responsible for how those knives are used?”’ Such a comparison, plucked out of the air by the author, cannot be the practice of historians and their consciousness of context.

Nor can the ‘A Closer Look’ as a whole qualify as the work of a bona fide historian. It is replete with insinuation, caricature, acrobatic leaps of logic, bald assertions disguised as fact, and confounding naiveness. What is one to make of the statement that the British High Commissioner Lord Selkirk recorded that ‘Lim and Fong had “seemed embarrassed” and “failed to give a clear reply” when he asked whether they were communists. Was it Lim Chin Siong or Lord Selkirk who was being ‘disingenuous’? Is the author so prone to repose uncritical belief in the superior intelligence of the British colonial rulers, or regard Lim Chin Siong as an imbecile, caught out by such a penetrating question? Or perhaps it is his readers’ intelligence that the author is insulting.

In the end, the worth of a piece of historical writing is based on the integrity of the author as a scholar.

Even on this score alone, ‘A Closer Look’ does not qualify as the work of someone who claims to be a historian.

What it’s all about

Or who even tries to be one.

Just as the recent commemoration of the 60th anniversary of May 13 1954 brought a renewed claim in Lianhe Zaobao that the student movement was actually directed by the Communist Party of Malaya, the surfacing of the Beauty World speech which revealed that Lim Chin Siong was clearly framed when he was arrested in 1956,has duly resurfaced the chant of ‘communism’. Lim Chin Siong’s arrest by the Lim Yew Hock government would call to mind his subsequent detention under Operation Coldstore under an equally specious charge of planning to supply weapons for the Brunei Revolt.

‘A Closer Look’ has to defend Lim Yew Hock even though his government has been proven to have blatantly lied in the Legislative Assembly. The obvious resort is the charge of communism, the fight against which no measure is deemed to be unjust or too harsh. The ‘Cold War’ context is presented as literally the fight between the free world and the communists, without any sensibilities of McCarthyism, or its manipulation by colonial powers, including in Operation Coldstore, or the killings of more than a million in Indonesia in September 1965, in the name of eliminating communists.

Archive-based historical studies which have presented documentary evidence that Operation Coldstore was about political rather than security concerns so far have not received substantive critiques from historians which challenge the findings.

Once again, there are only loud blares of ‘It’s the Cold War, stupid!’

These come from those who state that they are trained as historians, or throw terms like ‘revisionist historians’ and ‘alaternative histories’ around, who are in fact with the Centre of Excellence for National Security at the S Rajaratnam School of International Studies in Nanyang Technological University.

Once again I have to say, OMG!!!