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TAN JING QUEE – 3 YEARS ON by Dr G Raman陈仁贵逝世三周年纪念——作者:律师G。拉曼博士

陈仁贵

注:
1.本篇文章转载自人权组织FUNCTION 8网站。
2.本篇文章作者G.RAHMAN博士是一位律师。他于1977年在内部安全法法令下被李光耀逮捕。

文章全文如下:

50年代中期
The Mid-fifties

我在60年前,就是1954年第一次与仁贵见面。当时我们一起进入来佛士学院。今天的来佛士城的位置就是当年的来佛士学院原址。要进入来佛士学院必须是通过全国入学考试的鉴定。它的鉴定考试的程序与目前的小学离校考试的程序相似。考试成绩最优异的学生才获准进入来佛士学院。仁贵的求学时期已经能展露了他的才华。
I first met Jing Quee in 1954, 60 years ago, when we both entered Raffles Institution. Its campus was where Raffles City now stands. Entry into RI was based on the results of the state-wide entrance examination, the predecessor of the present PSLE. The best were admitted to RI. Jing Quee had already displayed brilliance at an early age.

我们长大了。社会问题和政治问题主宰着我们的价值观和立场。1955年是华校中学生要求暂缓服兵役的抗议行动。英勇的越南人民在武元甲将军的领导下打败了法国人。

We are products of our age. The social and political forces at play determine our values and attitudes. 1955 was the year of the protest by Chinese middle school students against conscription for national service. The French had been defeated by the brave Vietnamese people at the Battle of Diem Phien Phu under General Vo Nguyen Giap.

在这一切世界局势巨变的前五年,毛泽东站在天安门层楼上对着天安门广场高呼“中国人民站起来了!”,占全世界人口百分之25的人民响应他的号召站起来了!

Barely five years earlier, Mao Tse-tung had stood on the parapet at Tiananmen Square calling upon the Chinese people to “stand up”. One-fourth of humanity heeded his call and stood up.

朝鲜半岛战争的结束把朝鲜半岛分割成了两个国家。冷战开始肆虐。一道从北大西洋(NATO)公约穿过中东(中东公约)到东南亚公约(SEATO)组成的军事包围圈紧紧的把中国和苏联包围起来。中国和苏联正在尝试建立新的社会制度。这个社会制度就是一个更加平等的社会。苏联已经取得了一定程度的成绩。中国采纳了社会主义的经济和社会发展模式。
Though the Korean War had ended dividing the nation into two, the Cold War was raging. Russia and China were ring-fenced by military treaties stretching from the North Atlantic (NATO) through the Middle East (METO) to East Asia (SEATO). Russia and China were experimenting with a new social order to establish a more equal and egalitarian system. Russia had succeeded to a certain extent and China was adopting the socialist model of economic and social development.

反殖民主义和争取解放的运动席卷了从加勒比海到亚洲和整个非洲大陆。联合国推展了非殖民主义化和城市权利以对抗殖民主义者通过它们在殖民地的代理人尝试疯狂的保留自己的殖民地。

Anti-colonial and liberation movements were raging from the Caribbean to Asia through Africa. The UN had launched a decolonisation programme and the metropolitan powers were against the wall trying frantically to retain a foothold in their former colonies through proxies.

这股争取独立和民主的浪潮也在新加坡产生了一股政治势力。这股势力中的受英文教育的分子就是马来亚民主同盟。这个组织汇聚了律师、医生、新闻工作者和教师。受中文教育的分子有自己的组织,如校友会。这些组织把有共同理想的人——争取新加坡独立作为他们不可推卸的责任的人集合在一块。

The clamour for independence and democracy had created political groups in Singapore. One of the organisations among the English speaking activists was the Malayan Democratic Union a gathering of liberals – lawyers, doctors, journalists and teachers. The Chinese educated had their own organisations Like the Old Boys’ Association which joined other like minded groups struggling for independence with Singapore as an integral part. Singapore was a crown colony ruled autonomously by the British after the Straits Settlements comprising Malacca, Penang and Singapore was dismantled in 1948. “Merdeka” was in the air.

1954年人民行动党诞生。它的成员包括了律师、医生、教师、新闻工作者、工人和商人。它发布了两本小册子包括了党的宣言和政策。制定这些政策的作者阐明了包括各个方面,例如教育、职工会、多元种族团结和多元语言。它坚持为争取一个包括新加坡在内的独立、民主和社会主义的马来亚。每个人都把新加坡视为马来亚的一个组成部分。

1954 was also the year PAP was formed. It had among its members, lawyers, doctors, teachers, journalists, workers and businessmen. It published two slim brochures containing its manifesto and policies. The policies were enunciated by authors covering different areas like education, the trade unions, multi-racial unity and multi-lingualism. It stood for an independent, democratic, socialist Malaya including Singapore. Singapore was treated as an integral part of Malaya by everyone.

1954年英国政府也为新加坡提出了给予自治政府的宪法并同时在全岛举行投票的一年。这个宪法叫着《林德宪制》。它为后来的立法议会选举25立法议员铺平道路。

1954 was also the year that the British government proposed a Constitution for Singapore to grant self-government and for holding of island-wide election. The Rendell Constitution as it was called, paved the way for the election of 25 members to the Legislative Assembly.

这就是仁贵在来福士学院是当年的政治环境。我记得他出席了立法议会的会议和人民行动党的群众大会。当时大多数学生都具有政治思想意识。他们在学校组织了一个辩论团体。他们经常谈论政治课题。仁贵成为了政治辩论团体的主席。
This was the political milieu during Jing Quee’s RI days. I remember him attending the Legislative Assembly meetings and PAP rallies. Most students were politically conscious at that time and they formed Literary and Debating Societies in their schools. They discussed the political issues of the day. Jing Quee became the President of the RI Literary and Debating Society.

仁贵不但具有高智商,而且也具有强壮的体格。他是篮球好手。他是来福士学院的1st XL 。他也是出名的现场雄辩家。

Not only did Jing Quee have brain power, he also had brawn power. He played football and was the striker for the RI 1st XI. He was known for his speed in the field which matched his oratorical speed.

大学生涯
Days in the Varsity

仁贵在1960年进入马来亚大学就读文学系。那些在大学里政治性的讨论、论坛和辩论活动是经常举行的。当时没有如我们现在这样限制讨论政治课题。当时也没有限制学生必须注册成立政治俱乐部才可以进行政治活动。当时也没有限定在某段时间完成学业,以便完成尚未参与国民服役的事件时间。仁贵成为了(马来亚大学)社会主义俱乐部的主席和唤醒思想觉悟的俱乐部的会讯《华惹》的主编。
Jing Quee joined the University of Malaya in 1960 and read for an Arts degree. Political talks, forums and debates were the order of the day. There was no restriction as we have now on political matters. There was no requirement that a political club should be registered before students can embark on political activities. There was no rush to complete the courses in time to make up for lost time on national service. Jing Quee became the President of the University Socialist Club and the editor of its thought-provoking publication, Fajar (Dawn).

在1960年,大学确实是知识分子的活动中心。在1959年的大选,人民行动党在议会选举的51个选区的议席中获得了43个议席。很多在校的学生加入了支持人民行动党的竞选活动,这些学生后来都成为了新加坡的进步势力的先锋队。这些争取自由的先锋者当中的一个人后来成为了(人民行动党)的秘书长。但是,他最终很快就抛弃了他的理想和他的党立场。

The University in 1960 was truly an intellectual hub. The PAP had captured 43 of the 51 seats in parliament at the 1959 election. Many of the undergraduates joined the campaign in support of the PAP as it was then the vanguard of the progressive forces in Singapore. Its Secretary General was the champion of freedom at that time but he was soon to jettison all the ideals that he and his party stood for.

仁贵在《华惹》的文章和社论是众所周知的深入和具有文学含量的。他在大学毕业后并没有在私人企业寻找一份高薪工作或当上公务员。他拥有优异的英语水平的程度。他是适合在教育部获得一份稳定和特殊的教书差事。他放弃了这一切而加入了工会。当时他在工会受薪时,每月只领取500元的薪金。对于他而言,追求自己的理想是比物质享受还要来的重要。
Jing Quee’s articles and editorials in Fajar were known for their depth and literary flair. After graduation he did not look for a highly paid job in the private sector or in the civil service. With his mastery of the English language he could have got a teaching job in the Ministry of Education with security of tenure and the perks that go with a government appointment. He shunned these and joined the trade union for a small pay of $500 per month. To him, living up to his ideals were more paramount than amassing material wealth.

参与政治活动
Entering Politics

人民行动党在一个很长的时期是强大的,但是不是在它组成的开始几年。当时行动党一位高级党员王永远挑战李光耀的总理职位。人民行动党党内的同志必须投票决定谁应该成为总理。这个投票结果出现大逆转。投票结果非常紧绷。人民行动党主席杜进才介入挽救了李光耀。杜进才把票投给了李光耀。

The PAP has been a monolith for a long time but not in the early years after its formation. One of the senior members of the PAP, Ong Eng Guan even challenged Lee Kuan Yew for the post of prime minister. The cadres had to vote on who they wanted as the PM. The voting took a surprising turn. The result was a tie. The chairman of the party, Toh Chin Chye cam to Lee’s rescue by giving him the casting vote.

仁贵以鄙视的眼光看待这一切。他知道这就是所谓的‘背叛’和‘扩张’。
Jing Quee watched all these with disdain. He knew the meaning of the words “treachery” and “aggrandizement.”

人民行动党内部的进步势力和反动势力之间的分裂不可避免的在1961年发生了。那些从行动党分裂出来的知识分子和活跃分子组成了新加坡社会主义阵线。林清祥成为新加坡社会主义阵线的秘书长。尽管当时仁贵与社会主义阵线没有任何组织上的关系,但是,仁贵还是以社会主义阵线候选人的身份参与了甘榜格南选区的竞选。他只微差100票落选。仁贵输给对手,行动党的拉惹勒南的原因是因为选民把1000张选票投给了无原则的人民统一党的夏万兴。假设夏万兴不进来搅局,这些选票应该是投给仁贵的

The inevitable split within the PAP between the progressive forces and the reactionary (anti-people) forces took place in 1961. The breakaway group of intellectuals and political activists formed the Barisan Sosialis with Lim Chin Siong as its secretary general. Though not organisationally linked with the Barisan at that time, Jing Quee stood as its candidate for Kampong Glam. Jing Quee lost by only around 100 votes. The votes for candidates opposing Rajaratnam were split with the unprincipled Harbans Singh of the United PeoplesParty polling around 1000 votes which should have gone to Jing Quee if Harns had not entered the fray.

1963年的拘留事件
Detention in 1963

仁贵的被捕是李光耀铲除所有反对他的政策的人的阴谋。那些强加在他们身上的罪名是,他们是共产党统一战线成员。他们从事颠覆活动以破坏摧毁新加坡!到底有没有任何证据足于支持李光耀的这种指责?在1963年2月的冷藏行动的期间,林清祥等人约200人就是在这样的罪名下被捕的。1963年2月,新加坡、马来亚和汶莱还是属于英国殖民地。在决定逮捕政治拘留者的问题时,李光耀试图把自己和内部安全委员会的这项决定切割,但是,实际的记录记载了他是积极的参与这项决定。

Jing Quee’s detention was part of Lee Kuan Yew’s plot to eliminate all those who dissented against his policies. The label that was fixed on them was that they were subversive and being members of the communist united front out to destroy Singapore! Was there any evidence to support this allegation? This was the same label that was pasted against more than 200 activists during Operatin Coldstore of February 1963 when Lim Chin Siong and a host of others were detained. In February 1963 Singapore was still a crown colony whose members were Singapore, Malaya and Britain. Lee tried to distance himself from the Internal Security Council’s decision on the detentions but records show that he was actively involved in it.

英国人已经解密了超过30年的档案资料。没有任何的记录、往来信件和文件证明林清祥是一个搞共产党统一战线的共产党员(请阅读具有详细资料的书籍《天上的彗星》“Comet in our Sky”和《新加坡1963年的冷藏行动——50周年纪念》)这些逮捕行动只是为了满足于李光耀的贪婪政权。

The British have opened their archives after the passage of 30 years. None of the minutes, exchange of correspondence and documents show any proof of the existence of a communist united front or that Lim was a communist (see the very informative books, “Comet in our Sky” and “The 1963 Operation Coldstore in Singapore – Commemorating 50 Years. The detentions were to satisfy Lee’s lust for power.

伦敦之旅
Trip to London

仁贵实在1966年被释放的。他到英国伦敦去研读法律以避开新加坡沉闷的气氛。英国的伦敦是一个政治活跃分子集聚的热点城市。你可以在伦敦阅读任何书籍、出席任何论坛和与来自世界各地的任何社会活动分子见面。
Jing Quee came out of prison in 1966. He headed for London to read law and to escape the stifling atmosphere in Singapore. London in the mid-60s was a hothouse of political activities. One could read any book, attend any forum and meet any social activist from whichever part of the world he came.

仁贵是一个沉浸于阅读的人。他经常流览书局和图书馆。那个时候电脑或网际网路上还未出现。他出席讲座会、讨论会和工作坊与大家分享自己的广泛的知识。

Jing Quee was a voracious reader. His regular haunts were the bookshops and libraries. There were no computers or internet. He attended talks, seminars and workshops shoring up his intellectual arsenal.

回到新加坡和法律实习。
Return to Singapore and Law Pratice

他与妻子ROSE一起到欧洲和亚洲的国家旅游。经过长途跋涉他回到新加坡。他非常满意这次充满奇异和扩大自己视野的旅游。仁贵的探索知识的精神是无边无际的。他是一个博学多才的人。你可以和他进行任何课题的交谈,他会对有关的课题说出自己的想法。
Jing Quee returned to Singapore overland. He travelled through Europ and Asia with his wife to be, Rose. The trip was to satisfy this curiosity and discover new horizons. Jing Quee’s quest for knowledge knew no bounds. One can talk to him on any topic and he will have to say something on it. He was a polymath.

仁贵加入了J.B.拉惹勒南的律师楼进行实习了一段时间后与林清如一起设立了一家活跃的清如与仁贵家律师事务所。这家律师事务所的业务发展扩充并成为了一个极其成为标志性律师事务所。仁贵热衷于自己负责的诉讼案件。

Jing Quee joined J B Jeyaretnam’s practice for a while before setting up a partnership with Lim Chin Joo. Jing Quee and Chin Joo as the firm was styled, flourished. The firm expanded and made a mark for itself. Jing Quee handled the litigation work and enjoyed practice.

他有一回告诉我,他成功的赢得了一场官司,这场官司是涉及到与《公司法》有关的相当复杂的问题。对方律师是一个在《公司法》诉讼案件的佼佼者。仁贵表现的极其冷静,藐视对方律师具有这样的成就背景。最终,他赢得了这场官司并获得了金融管理局的嘉奖。他在自己即将届满60岁是时计划退休,以专注于酷爱的阅读和写作。
He once told me how he succeeded in a case involving complex questions on company law against a lawyer who was a top notch in corporate law. But Jing Quee remained humble despite such successes and the accompanying monetary rewards. He was looking forward to retirement soon after he touched 60 so that he could spend more time with his first love – books and writing.

仁贵的写作兴趣极其广泛——包括了文章、短篇小说、诗歌和书籍。他的这些出版书籍包藏丰富的知识和具有教育意义的散文和诗歌。

Jing Quee wrote extensively – essays, short stories, poems and books. These contain a wealth of information and edifying prose and poetry.

1977年的被拘留
The 1977 Detention

在1977年2月,仁贵与其他16名人是在被指控从事颠覆活动和鼓吹共产党统一战线的罪名下被捕。我是属于第一批被捕者之一。我被贴上了“欧洲共产主义”的标签。这个极为创意性的罪名至今还不知道是啥东西?
In February 1977 Jing Quee was detained together with about 16others accused once again of being subversive and promoting the cause of the communist unite front. I was the first in this group to be detained and anther label was fixed, that of being “Euro-communists”, a creature hitherto unknown.

尽管这次的镇压逮捕行动引起了国际的强烈反响,但是,行动党还是我行我素。几个月后,我们当中的大多数人被安排了一个习以为常的所谓‘歉悔’或‘承认’的形式下被释放了。呜呼!1987年的‘光谱行动’行动所逮捕的的成员涉及极其广泛,它包括了工人、律师和专业人士。
There was international outcry against these repressive actions but the PAP government paid no heed to them. After a few months, most of us were released after making the usual template “confessions” or “admissions”. Alas, truth was a major casualty in all the detentions including the arrests of 22 social workers, lawyers and professionals in the 1987 Operation Spectrum.

仁贵,一个信息者
Jing Quee the Man of Letters

他是一个信息者。他不但浏览书海,他同时撰写和编辑了极其广泛的历史与政治的书籍。他把自己对事业的理想通过轻松但是激昂的诗歌表达了自己的理想。
He was a man of letters in both senses of the word. He not only read widely. He also wrote extensively and edited books on history and politics. He gave expression to his ideals in poetry som of which were light-hearted but stimulating. His poem on his detention stirs the soul.

仁贵,一个正直的人
Jing Quee the Man

陈仁贵是一个偶像。他是知识分子的典范!——博学、谦虚和基本人权的维护者。他唤醒了所有渴望和实现理想的人。我会永远珍惜他对自由事业所做出的贡献

Jing Quee was an icon. He is an exemplar of what an intellectual should be – erudite, humble and a champion of the rights of every person. He evokes all those ideals that we yearn for and want to see realized. I shall forever cherish his contributions towards the cause of freedom.

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