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关于重新出版新加坡社会主义阵线反对李光耀提出的“合并”出版的历史资料的说明(一)——《当前宪制斗争的任务》(1961年11月)

——行动党重新出版《电台12讲——争取合并斗争历史》——就是:

  • 李光耀要否定和否认当年为了消灭新加坡的左翼力量而编织的谎言破产和制造冤案的罪孽历史罪行!
  • 为行动党目前处于民怨四起、无法摆脱在目前的困境,企图用重新出版李光耀的《12讲》变相对目前兴起的争取自由、民主化和等的斗争进行恐吓!

 

李光耀             张志贤

我们不必也不必再耗时、耗力对第四代行动党重新出版李光耀的《12讲》进行任何的分析和反驳。 为什么? 因为,当年以林清祥为首的新加坡左翼政党、职工会、大专学府等已经对李光耀提出的新加坡加入马来西亚联邦分析的非常细致和准确了!

我们将陆续上载当年新加坡左翼政党、工会组织在李光耀提出新加坡加入马来西亚时发表的原始历史文献!我们希望共大家阅读和思考后能够明白,当年新加坡左翼政党和组织在反对李光耀提出的合并条件,以及李光耀自己鼓吹的假合并的条件之间的不同!

我们这里要说的是: 一、50年前李光耀‘12讲’是他耗尽了个人大量精力(去了马来西亚撰写‘12讲’)、时间(闭关思索)和物力(动用了国家的一切资源,包括翻译等)出台的。他断言的

“合并是不可避免的,因为,马来亚联合邦是新加坡的经济基地,新加坡不能单独生存。两地若不合并,就会成为竞争对手,资源匮乏的新加坡将在这场竞争必然遭受更加严重的损失。……拖延合并只会让大家都受苦”。

但是,在合并不到两年。在1965年8月9日,李光耀连夜从马来西亚驱车赶回新加坡后立即宣布新加坡退出马来西亚成立新加坡共和国。 对于这事件的突然发生,当年李光耀并没有像他当初播放‘12讲’是那样带劲的再来一个‘12讲’说明新加坡为什么突然退出马来西亚!为什么?

实事求是的说,当年别说左翼组织和领导人(包括已经在‘冷藏行动计划’下不经审讯而被拘留在牢内左翼领导人)都为此感到惊讶!就连那些跟随李光耀鼓吹新加坡非加入马来西亚的行动党人也无从解释这个问题! 50年过去了。今天,不但没有听到当年李光耀对自己所说的:“合并是不可避免的,因为,马来亚联合邦是新加坡的经济基地,新加坡不能单独生存。两地若不合并,就会成为竞争对手,资源匮乏的新加坡将在这场竞争必然遭受更加严重的损失。……拖延合并只会让大家都受苦”进行说明,他还沾沾自喜的说‘12讲’可以让新加坡年轻一代知道当自己与共产党进行‘搏斗’的‘光荣事迹’!

所以说,50年后证明:李光耀的《电台12讲》就是扯鸡巴蛋的伪命题!

清华草皇帝轶事 2 二、50年过去了。李光耀当年为了让新加坡与马来亚合并除了播放他的‘12讲’外,还通过马来亚联邦总理东姑以及英国殖民主义者的手,在1963年2月2日(也就是新加坡加入马来西亚之前)把反对新加坡加入马来亚的假合并的所有左翼政党组织领导人全部 抓紧监牢的历史事件进行该的说明呢!

第四代行动党人从来就不对这个时期的历史事实进行客观、公正和透明的说明!反过来,却动用了纳税人的钱重新出版李光耀的“12讲”! 清朝皇帝 轶事官 他们的目的是什么?

实事求是的说,第四代行动党要不要就李光耀当年鼓吹的“合并是不可避免的”的谈话政策性说明已经不重要了!因为50年后的今天,历史学家已经能够从大英博物馆的解密档案里找到了所有的档案资料了! 行动党第四代领导人要不要就李光耀当年为了清除新加坡加入马来西亚的‘障碍’——实际上是他利用新加坡加入马来西亚为手段,‘清洗’新加坡的左翼力量进行重新调查,也已经不重要了!

为什么?

因为在2013年11月,新加坡的前左翼政党、工会组织和中立的历史学家共同出版了一本重要的书籍《新加坡1963年的冷藏行动 50周年》已经填补了这个历史的空白了! 新书:1963年冷藏箱的50周年 我在:《There is absolutely no way that Lee Hsien Loong will get away with using the Malayan Communist Party (MCP) to cover up or whitewash his father’s historical crime of unjustly persecuting the then patriotic and progressive democrats! 》《拿马来亚共产党来说事是绝对无法掩盖和洗脱李光耀在当年制造冤案迫害爱国进步民主人士的历史罪行!》(见如下网址: https://wangruirong.wordpress.com/2014/10/07/%e6%8b%bf%e9%a9%ac%e6%9d%a5%e4%ba%9a%e5%85%b1%e4%ba%a7%e5%85%9a%e6%9d%a5%e8%af%b4%e4%ba%8b%e6%98%af%e7%bb%9d%e5%af%b9%e6%97%a0%e6%b3%95%e6%8e%a9%e7%9b%96%e5%92%8c%e6%b4%97%e8%84%b1%e6%9d%8e%e5%85%89/)一文已经能够说明了这个问题:

“因为2013 年11 月16日以傅树介医生、陈国防先生、孔莉莎博士合编出版的了一本书名:《冷藏行动》。这本书收集了包括傅树介医生、陈国防先生、孔莉莎博士、谭炳鑫博士、卢妙萍女士、许庚献先生、李思东先生、陈仁贵先生(已故)、张素兰小姐、林福寿医生(已故)、罗家成博士、陶祚强先生、韦杰夫博士(DR. GEOFF WADE)、赛查哈利(SAID ZAHARI)先生的文章。 这些文章的集中了一个焦点:就是新加坡加入马来西亚之前,李光耀利用了英国殖民主义者急于解决和摆脱自己在新加坡的殖民地统治的地位和马来亚联合邦要扩大自己政治势力的愿望,把以林清祥为首的新加坡的左翼政党和组织的领导人以‘亲共’、‘共产党统一战线’等罪名逮捕、不经审讯和长期监禁的历史罪行公诸!历史学家孔莉莎博士、谭炳鑫博士、韦杰夫博士(DR. GEOFF WADE)从英国等地收集的已经解密档案资料揭露了的‘冷藏行动’的真实面目!其他文章的作者是以自己作为当时的历史参与者的献身说法叙述了当时的历史事实。”

所以说,50年前清朝皇帝陛下英明远见,恩赐第四代行动党爷们为轶事太史官! 除了正常老年人该有的生理状况外,李光耀还活生生的坐在那儿!为什么第四代行动党要重走李光耀当年的老路,又拿纳税人的钱来重新出版李光耀的这些轶事——“12讲”呢! 这是整个问题的关键! 让咱们把谜底揭开吧! 我在上述的文章里说了:

“从2013 年11 月16日这本书出版至今,行动党一直保持缄默。 为什么? 因为第四代行动党领导人绝对无法对这本书的所有一切指控提出任何足于让人信服口服的反驳资料,以证明正本所说的、所提供的资料都虚构和具有毁谤性的!”

这就是说,第四代行动党爷们对李光耀当年说的一切无法自圆其说,又无法为李光耀辩护、也无法反驳《新加坡1963年的冷藏行动 50周年》这本书里面所提出的一切确凿的历史证据!这些证据是经得起李光耀本人或者第四代行动党爷们在新加坡或者是世界上的任何法院、调查庭或者他们认为适合的任何场所追究一切法律责任的。

谜底就在这里:他们是为了满足李光耀否认和否定这本书对他所做的一切指责和迫害政治对手的所有历史证据! 擦屁股! 让李光耀自己干去!他们都不是当事人!他们也不知道自己咋会这么‘有幸’的受清朝皇帝赐封李光耀轶事的太史官! 这是其一! 今天第四代行动党爷们不只是要面对李光耀在50年前干下的历史罪孽的问责!更重要的是无法面对日益高涨的民怨和经济问题!这些问题的根源是李光耀在50年前为了要消灭左翼在群众中的影响力和一党独裁的控制新加坡的政治局面,通过无限制和无限量的引进外来移民政策,进而改变新加坡的人口结构和产业工人队伍所造成的余孽!

新的一届国会大选即将上路!但是,第四代行动党爷们目前面的各种问题都束手无策!他们不承认自己的昏庸无能,反而想重施李光耀当年的故! 他们重新出版李光耀的《12讲》就是想通过这种‘曲折救命’的手段,向老百姓灌输和影射: 目前由韩慧慧小姐和鄞义林先生所推动的要求《归还我们的公积金》运动以及由此引伸出来涉及千家万户老百姓切身利益的各种民生课题都是有人在背后操纵和鼓动的!

这就是他们重新出版李光耀的《12讲》的谜底之二。

第四代行动党爷们让后宫丫鬟韩永梅负责把李光耀入殓前寿衣拉上大街晒阳光是无法挽救和延长自己必然要从神台上走下来的厄运!(事实上,韩永梅那个自称‘历史工作者’的老爸韩三元当年还是在林清祥领导下的左派工会——泛星各业职工联合会参与反对李光耀提出的假合并的活动。他撰写有关反对李光耀的假合并的文章还刊登在左派政党和工会组织的刊物呢。我想,韩永梅是不是也从老爸哪里拿些当时的历史资料制成FLASH放上网让新加坡的下一代认识当时历史的另一面啊?)

《联合早报》制作《李光耀12讲》网址: http://www.zaobao.com.sg/lkyradiotalk/ 清朝皇帝 1 这是历史规律发展的必然性!

第四代行动党爷们在早报集团上载的李光耀‘12将’即将结束。(至2014年10月29日已经上载到第9讲(下))。 为此,我们决定将当年新加坡左翼政党和工会组织有关反对李光耀的假合并的历史资料分批上载到网上让大家阅读。 我们也希望有良知的新加坡历史学者能够为新加坡共和国的历史的空白页填补真实的历史事实。

请链接以下网址阅读本篇文章的附件:《当前宪制斗争的任务》(196111) https://www.dropbox.com/s/9udminhynk1nuwd/%E3%80%8A%E5%BD%93%E5%89%8D%E5%AE%AA%E5%88%B6%E6%96%97%E4%BA%89%E7%9A%84%E4%BB%BB%E5%8A%A1%E3%80%8B%E9%98%B5%E7%BA%BF%E6%8A%A5%E4%B8%9B%E4%B9%A6%E7%AC%AC%E4%B8%80%E8%BE%91(1961-11)JPEG%E7%89%88.pdf?dl=0 pDF-page-001  


10条评论

咱家闺女惹来谁?惹了官府!——《妹妹你大胆的往前走》!咱们家闺女在芳林公园办喜庆——进一步把《归还我们的公积金》宣传运动推向中间群众!——土豪劣绅搅局!——百年老油条的行动党愿意到油锅里翻滚就自个儿往锅里投呗!——霸道与白色恐怖在义正言辞中宣告破产!!

 韩慧慧素苗

《归还我们的公积金》运动的组织者和推动者韩慧慧小姐是咱们新加坡人民的好闺女!她已经闻名遐迩了! 咱们家好闺女最近惹了谁啦!?

10月9日晚上近午夜,警方人员大驾光临韩慧慧小姐的寒舍,通知她在10月10日,就是隔天下午广东民路警察总部喝下午茶!她在10月10下午2点整准时赴约。

警方传召信

韩慧慧小姐在警察总部等了半小时后,被请进了盘问室。一场冗长的盘问开始了。从当天下午2点30分一直持续到当天晚上近10点钟。韩慧慧小姐这一天就是在广东民路警察总部上‘中班’了!——8小时!但是,这段期间除了上厕所外,全部时间都在盘问室‘上班’! 在盘问期间,警方企图夺走韩慧慧小姐的手机,以便阻止她与律师通话。 在盘问结束时,警方扣押了韩慧慧在盘问期间用来记录盘问过程的笔记本。 网民在当天旁晚约6时左右在网上获知韩慧慧小姐在警察总部‘上班’的消息就一直关注着韩慧慧小姐的人身安全!——警察是不是要逮捕韩慧慧小姐?警察以什么罪名逮捕韩慧慧小姐! 网民在网上号召不断的拨打电话到警察总部,要求警方立即终止对韩慧慧小姐进行冗长的问话! 在晚上10点钟,韩慧慧小姐终于‘下班’了!她在网民的陪同下离开警察总部!网民第一时间在网上发出了第一条信息: 施忠明先生发出韩慧慧小姐离开警察总部的第一条信息:(见网址:https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=10202796605011964&set=a.1974712683242.2103670.1105822323&type=1&fref=nf

“……韩慧慧已经离开了警察总部。她的精神状态很好。她的笔记本被充公。现在正在等待拉维律师。 这是凌晨1.38分。 韩慧慧在警察总部一共是8小时,她在问话过程中一直保持与警方合作的态度。她一共被问了300个问题。负责审问的警官提出要进行晚餐暂停休息。但是,韩慧慧小姐坚持再继续她的问话。 她的笔记本(不是手提电脑)她已经被警方扣留。这是完全不可以接受的。 与张淑兰和Rachel Zeng一起,我们走到附近的咖啡店。韩慧慧要了一盘炒饭。她现在已经回家休息了。” 韩慧慧小姐简述自己在警察总部8小时‘上班’的经历:(therealsingapore.com网址: http://therealsingapore.com/content/han-hui-hui-shares-her-experience-about-her-8-hour-interrogation-police

“The Real Singapore网站与韩慧慧小姐进行了有关她在警察总部‘协助调查的’访谈,以便获悉这个‘协助调查’的全过程。这次‘协助调查’行动显示了警方可能造成是一种骚扰和恐吓的案件。 韩慧慧小姐说,便衣警方人员在当晚接近午夜时分到我家来给了我一份通知书。这份通知书要求我在隔天下午2点整到广东民路报到。

韩慧慧小姐按时在下午2点整到达警察总部。她被迫在警察总部等待接见警方人员了近半小时。在这段期间没有人来接见她。在下午2点30分,她被带到一间审问室 从这个时候开始,她就接受了长达8个小时的审问,即从下午2点30分一直到晚上10点。在这段期间,她被允许上洗手间,但是,他们不提供任何食物或者允许她外出购买食物。

韩慧慧小姐自己带了笔记本上警察总部。这是作为审问期间记录整个审问过程之用。但是她的笔记本被警方人员充公了。他们拒绝归还给她。为此,韩慧慧告诉负责审问的警官Wong Yu Wei,没收她的笔记本是违法的。他们没有正当的权利这么做,但是,警方坚持不归还她的笔记本。

韩慧慧小姐也说,当她要通过手机与律师拉维先生联系时,他们要拿走她的手机。非常幸运,就在他们要夺走她手中的手机时,拉维先生接听了电话。 这是一个简单的警方调查工作吗?或者是一场骚扰?或者是在恐吓公民的行动? 韩慧慧小姐说,警方人员告诉她不准她把整个审问过程的详细问题向外透露。 为什么警方需要长达8个小时对韩慧慧小姐进行审问?为什么他们的审问工作不可以在几小时就结束呢?” 韩慧慧小姐在警察总部接受盘问过程上网后,TOC就此询问警方。警方发表文告予以否认。(见 http://www.theonlinecitizen.com/2014/10/police-deny-visiting-han-hui-hui-at-midnight/韩慧慧问话 1

韩慧慧文化 3

最后抛出了盘问韩慧慧的底牌:2014年9月27日国家园林局吊销了芳林公园《归还我们的公积金》集会的准证。 http://www.tremeritus.com/2014/10/11/permit-for-returnourcpf-protest-was-revoked/ 这个事件前后经历了24小时. 这次韩慧慧小姐在警察总部接受进行冗长的8小时盘问说明了什么?这是整个事件的核心! 在9月26日,也就是芳林公园集会前一天我已经在这篇文章把今天芳林公园的集会当成俺家办喜事!行动党的任何爷们愿意走过来与韩慧慧小姐或鄞义林先生对话都欢迎!》(见:https://wangruirong.wordpress.com/2014/09/27/%e6%8a%8a%e4%bb%8a%e5%a4%a9%e8%8a%b3%e6%9e%97%e5%85%ac%e5%9b%ad%e7%9a%84%e9%9b%86%e4%bc%9a%e5%bd%93%e6%88%90%e4%bf%ba%e5%ae%b6%e5%8a%9e%e5%96%9c%e4%ba%8b%ef%bc%81%e8%a1%8c%e5%8a%a8%e5%85%9a%e7%9a%84/)说了:

我们今天就是要利用这个难得的机遇,向那些长期受行动党蒙蔽的国人阐述我们在公积金问题的立场和观点!! 不管他们使用多大分贝的喇叭都无所谓!老百姓一定会好奇和感兴趣我们在说什么? 如果张思乐先生愿意以部长身份或新加坡公民的身份走到我们这边与我们对话,那也无所谓!我们大家应该表示热烈欢迎!

在9月27日当天,我又发表了:《网友们,既然行动党要挤到芳林公园和咱们凑热闹!行!让我们扩大宣传对象!向所有当天在芳林公园的同胞有关我们要求行动党归还我们的公积金的诉求!》。我说:

“我们感激行动党帮我们召集了这么多的国人来,我们就让这些人聆听我们有关《归还我们的公积金》的课题!网友们、同胞们!利用这个机会向在场的行动党找来的国人进一步宣传我们在要求行动党《归还我们的公积金》的立场和诉求!!(见https://wangruirong.wordpress.com/2014/09/26/%e7%bd%91%e5%8f%8b%e4%bb%ac%ef%bc%8c%e6%97%a2%e7%84%b6%e8%a1%8c%e5%8a%a8%e5%85%9a%e8%a6%81%e6%8c%a4%e5%88%b0%e8%8a%b3%e6%9e%97%e5%85%ac%e5%9b%ad%e5%92%8c%e5%92%b1%e4%bb%ac%e5%87%91%e7%83%ad%e9%97%b9/

当天的芳林公园确实就是这样吗?!

是的。

国家园林局和警方人员并没有出示任何政府公文说明决定吊销集会的准证!他们只是向韩慧慧小姐提出,要她把集会场所移到公园的另一个角落!

YMCA和《归还我们的公积金》一样如常举行他们的活动!

YMCA邀请出席当天活动的嘉宾张思乐先生也如期赴约!

在这2个集会进行期间,当天下午与韩慧慧小姐见面的几位国家园林局主管官员和警方人员都没有出现干预或阻止任何一方在公园的范围内的活动!

 在集会结束后,张思乐先生说要鄞义林先生向需要特别照顾的孩子道歉!也就是说,张思乐先生作为政府部长对当天在芳林公园范围里举行的2场集会的合法性是肯定了!他只是说游行可能会造成对孩子的影响! (见:http://news.asiaone.com/news/singapore/teo-ser-luck-demands-apology-roy-ngerng-over-carnival-disruption

这是鄞义林道歉网址:http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3KGv4WiLFpc)

那些在皇宫里寻欢作乐根本没有出席当天活动的行动党爷们和丫鬟们以为这次逮到机会!他们可以借此机会向鄞义林先生和韩慧慧小姐发起攻击了! 但是在网民的压力下,过了几天,张思乐又在自己的网址上说他应该对此次事件表示道歉!——如果他当天在安置好手牵着的需要特殊照顾的孩子入座后,走过来和参与《归还我们的公积金》的新加坡公民见面并说上几句话,芳林公园当天会出现这样的局面吗?(见:http://therealsingapore.com/content/teo-ser-luck-roy%E2%80%99s-apology-step-forward-i-am-also-sorry-too?fb_action_ids=703437859738332&fb_action_types=og.comments

9月27日到10月10日,那整整是过了近13天。警方才决定要求《归还我们的公积金》集会的组织者韩慧慧小姐到警察总部‘协助调查’! 当天在场的警方人员,包括了便衣和制服谨防人员难道没有回去向上司汇报现场情况吗? 即便是这些警方人员都乐去了!在集会举行期间或集会后,大量的有关集会现场的照片和视频都是在到网上了!全新加坡人民,甚至全世界人民都知道芳林公园的集会情况!

这是2014年9月27日在芳林公园举行第四场《归还我们的公积金——我们的工作》照片视频网址: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iX2mCf4ho9s&list=UUsnidp9up-LBquFfnOiO6Lw 这是由不同人摄制上网的游行视频网址:

视频1 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6HKpNvzt33c

视频2 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xOraxaeU3pY

视频3 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xOraxaeU3pY

网址 4 https://www.facebook.com/video.php?v=10152520855703001&fref=nf

网址 5 https://www.facebook.com/video.php?v=589241194521216&fref=nf

网址 6 http://thehearttruths.com/2014/09/28/video-my-thoughts-returnourcpf-4-protest/

网址7 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3KGv4WiLFpc

网址8 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xOraxaeU3pY

网址9 https://www.facebook.com/video.php?v=589241194521216&set=vb.348095628635775&type=2&theater

网址10 https://www.facebook.com/video.php?v=953972324619184&set=vb.541498222533265&type=2&theater

网址:11 https://www.facebook.com/video.php?v=345751392269379&fref=nf

这是当天在芳林公园小土坑演讲者视频:

网址:1 https://www.facebook.com/video.php?v=10152810536166383

网址:2 http://theindependent.sg/blog/2014/09/27/defiant-han-hui-hui-went-ahead-with-protest-at-hong-lim-park-today/

这是国家公园局官员与警方人员在集会开始前走向韩慧慧小姐讨论有关迁移集会场地的对话视频网址: https://www.facebook.com/video.php?v=10152445632614141&set=vb.533614140&type=2&theater

感谢美国人为全世界人民开发了网际网路和视频工具软件! 在上述的视频网站播放会场活动期间,大家是否看到任何国家园林局和警方人员在场劝说、阻止或逮捕参与当天游行的人或者组织者吗?

在10月12日TRE网站在向警方查询时,警方却证实:2014年9月27日在芳林公园举行的《归还我们的公积金》集会准证是在当天被取消的。 http://www.tremeritus.com/2014/10/11/permit-for-returnourcpf-protest-was-revoked/

老祖宗说得一点也没错:不怕黑社会、就怕社会黑!

吴作栋在韩慧慧小姐还未被警方叫去盘问前还说,芳林公园事件就是:独木桥上的两只羊谁也不肯让谁的问题! 那条‘独木桥’到底是合法建造的?还是非法建造得吧!? 独木桥上的2只羊是自个儿闯上桥的?还是负责管桥的官府让2只羊儿从不同的方向上桥的?

现在,警方却说:‘2014927日在芳林公园举行的《归还我们的公积金》集会准证是在当天被取消的。’

后记:

事情到了这里,咱们只能提出这样一个问题: 咱们家闺女惹了谁啦?

咱们家闺女谁也没惹!

咱们家闺女就是为咱们老百姓要回我们血汗钱——公积金! 咱家闺女把要求《归还我们的公积金》运动进一步深入推广长期受行动党蒙蔽的群众中去了! 那就是;咱们家闺女惹了行动党大权贵的爷们!

行动党本以为利用YMCA举办需要特殊照顾孩子和老年人的活动进行搅局抹黑《归还我们的公积金》的运动!随着时间的推移以及后续的事实,已经把行动党的这个阴谋彻底暴露!

在网民获悉咱们家闺女还在警察总部,整个网络沸腾! 行动党想通过警方的传召问话制造白色恐怖的阴谋也在109日当天宣告破局!

咱们家闺女是一个好闺女! 咱们家闺女是一个勇敢的闺女!

闺女,咱们送您一首歌:《妹妹你大胆的往前走》

视频:http://www.iqiyi.com/w_19rrlrfuh1.html

韩慧慧小姐在警察总部的冗长盘问是行动党让警方吃了死猫!

韩慧慧小姐在警察总部的冗长盘问是行动党乐意把自己当成一条50年的油条!他们希望咱们把它扔到油锅里翻来覆去的炸! 这就是行动党在处理韩慧慧小姐所取得的‘成果’!

10459145_848794631839020_6648557719756380538_n


6条评论

入山拜神的“三不一没有”忌讳!——本网站关于转载自《南洋大学校友业余网站 》的文章:《陈剑“左派”身份的考究》的一点说明

1.这篇文章所涉及的人物是近期参与了马来西亚的《人民之友》网站上就“513华校中学生历史事件和林清如先生出版的新书《我的黑白青春》与历史学家和其他进行了争论的主要旗手之一。

 

2.本网站在转载这篇文章时已经明确说明是转载自《南洋大学校友业余网站 》。转载时不加任何的按语。

 

在本网站转载了这篇文章后收到了一位读者的来信。全文如下:

 

王先生笔锋尖锐,擅长写作,令人佩服。但转载对他人做人身攻击的文章,对您自己和您的网站不会产生积极效应。

同时,也希望您记住您自己讲的让人说话,天不一定会塌下来!

希望您不要用和执政者完全相同态度和口吻,对其他人无情鞭打。

正象您自己说的新加坡的建国历史是属于人民的历史!绝对不是行动党的专利权!同样的,这也不是您和您背后的一些人们的专利!” 。

 

为此,本网站做了如下的说明:

 

1.老祖宗常说:入山拜神最重要的‘三不一没有’的忌讳。

 

那就是: 不要进错庙、不要拜错神、不要插错香炉;没事不要随意大声说话:

 

因此,如果这位读者确实有意为这篇文章主角喊冤,请直接到《南洋大学校友业余网站 》说去。

 

2.本网站对《南洋大学校友业余网站 》一路来都给予肯定。那是因为这是一个由被李光耀变质前的南大毕业生设立的业余网站。该网站绝对不是一个造谣网站。因此,本网站转载了这篇文章。本网站与《南大站》或《人民之友》之间的往来就是托网路世界的千里牵线之福,从未谋面。

 

3.如果文章的作者要求本网站撤下这篇文章,本网站绝对立马执行、绝不抗拒。

 

特此说明。

 


留下评论

新加坡的建国历史是属于人民的历史!绝对不是行动党的专利权!更不是李光耀的个人奋斗史!——‘冷藏行动’前出版的社阵机关报《阵线报》为新加坡人民反对加入马来西亚提供了全面的历史事实!

10395830_10205110520945807_3524530711619257812_n李显龙星国恋新书:1963年冷藏箱的50周年1392477_10202293290203969_896024167_n.jpglim-chin-siong-lee-kuan-yew-photo

新加坡人民行动党宣布重新出版李光耀在新加坡加入马来西亚前发表的‘电台12讲’!作为让 新加坡的年轻一代知道当时的历史。这是行动党企图通过扭曲历史、误导舆论的伎俩来扭曲新加坡人民在以林清祥为首的公开合法的左翼政党进行反对李光耀当时提出加入马来西亚历史真实情况!

行动党在宣布重新出版李光耀的‘电台12讲’完全不提为什么李光耀要在新加坡加入马来西亚一年多后又退出马来西亚!

行动党也完全不提李光耀在新加坡加入马来西亚前通过英国殖民主义者和当时的马来亚联合邦政府进行了一场灭绝新加坡左翼运动的历史阴谋!——“冷藏行动”!

 

行动党为什么至今不对以傅树介医生为首的左翼领导人和中立的历史学家在2013年11月出版的一本关于新加坡加入马来西亚前的历史书籍:《新加坡1963年的冷藏行动50周年纪念》所提出的极其宝贵的解密档案资料提出任何的异议或反驳?

为了进一步把新加坡加入马来西亚前的历史事实让新加坡的年轻一代知道,我们为此将当年新加坡左翼政党和组织在新加坡社会主义阵线(简称‘社阵’)出版的机关报《阵线报》刊载有关左翼反对新加坡加入马来西亚的全部历史资料制成视频,供大家下载阅读。

我们希望通过提供这些历史资料让你去一代的新加坡人知道和了解当时左翼政党和组织在反对新加坡加入马来西亚的立场、观点!

新加坡社会主义阵线机关报《阵线报》。从该党注册成立并获得出版准证到1963年2月2日‘冷藏行动’前共出版了86期出版的视频网址。以下为86期《阵线报》视频网址:

1.创刊号——第6期

 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HaXiAmyE3d4&feature=youtu.be

2.第7期——第12期

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=X4PIYkrMH5I&feature=youtu.be

3.第13期——第18期

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IxoB0RTPeyI&feature=youtu.be

4.第19期——第24期

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ntE1KL_dxIU&feature=youtu.be

5.第25期——第30期

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jsjmgPgHT4g&feature=youtu.be

6.第31期——第36期

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oG5Q9eq0OPs&feature=youtu.be

7.第37期——第42期

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2NiW2fd8OX0&feature=youtu.be

8.第43期——第48期

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hevO3tGoBDA&feature=youtu.be

9.第49期——第54期

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pTwR4XGiq04&feature=youtu.be

10.第55期——第60期

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GrSyWjBykfw&feature=youtu.be

 

11.第61期——第66期

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aXR0UAzR-ds&feature=youtu.be

12,第67期——第72期

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7HTkZ5dgQGs&feature=youtu.be

13.第73期——第78期

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3mnuIxo1ybg&feature=youtu.be

14.第79期——第86期

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=crON4sCIbyI&feature=youtu.be

 附件:
1. 《拿马来亚共产党来说事是绝对无法掩盖和洗脱李光耀在当年制造冤案迫害爱国进步民主人士的历史罪行!当前的爱国民主进步力量的发展壮大被扭曲成是前左翼成员“不放弃支持共产主义胜利的斗争” 是改变不了年轻一代要求知道50年前的历史真相!》

https://wangruirong.wordpress.com/2014/10/07/%e6%8b%bf%e9%a9%ac%e6%9d%a5%e4%ba%9a%e5%85%b1%e4%ba%a7%e5%85%9a%e6%9d%a5%e8%af%b4%e4%ba%8b%e6%98%af%e7%bb%9d%e5%af%b9%e6%97%a0%e6%b3%95%e6%8e%a9%e7%9b%96%e5%92%8c%e6%b4%97%e8%84%b1%e6%9d%8e%e5%85%89/

 2.《咱们的祖国是怎样诞生的!——是李光耀争取的?是被马来西亚赶出去的?是被迫退出马来西亚的?》

https://wangruirong.wordpress.com/2013/07/30/%e5%92%b1%e4%bb%ac%e7%9a%84%e7%a5%96%e5%9b%bd%e5%b0%b1%e6%98%af%e8%bf%99%e6%a0%b7%e8%af%9e%e7%94%9f%e7%9a%84%ef%bc%81/


10条评论

中英文对照:《There is absolutely no way that Lee Hsien Loong will get away with using the Malayan Communist Party (MCP) to cover up or whitewash his father’s historical crime of unjustly persecuting the then patriotic and progressive democrats! 》《拿马来亚共产党来说事是绝对无法掩盖和洗脱李光耀在当年制造冤案迫害爱国进步民主人士的历史罪行!》

10395830_10205110520945807_3524530711619257812_n星国恋新书:1963年冷藏箱的50周年lim-chin-siong-lee-kuan-yew-photo

By distorting the growth of the current patriotic progressive forces and portraying them as former leftwing members ‘who have not abandoned the struggle to achieve victory for the communist ideology’, he will never deter the demand of the younger generation to know the truth about the history of fifty years ago!

 当前的爱国民主进步力量的发展壮大,描绘成是前左翼成员“不放弃支持共产主义胜利的斗争” 改变不了年轻一代要求知道50年前的历史真相!

“I don’t think communism will win. Communism is over, but I don’t think the people who used to support communism, some of them, have given up the fight for a place on the winner’s podium.”

” No one is preventing the six people in the film (To Singapore with Love, directed and produced by Tan Pin Pin which the Media Development Authority of Singapore has banned from being screened in Singapore) from returning to Singapore. But they have chosen not to do so. (They have chosen not to accept the PAP government’s condition that they have  to account for their past deeds and actions) It is their prerogative.   (From summary of Lee Hsien Loong’s speech at the NUSS Society Lecture:  4 October 2014, Singapore News section page 6, Lianhe Zaobao.)

Why did Lee Hsien Loong say this?

He did not do so on a whim. It took him a year before he said this.

Why is that?

  1. Because of The 1963 Operation Coldstore in Singapore: Commemorating 50 Years  edited by Poh soo Kai, Tan Kok Fang and Hong Lysa, which was launched on 16 November 2013. The book is a collection of essays by Dr Poh Soo Kai, Tan Kok Fang, Hong Lysa, Thum Ping Tjin, Loh Miao Ping, Koh Kay Yew, Lee Tee Tong, Tan Jing Quee (deceased), Teo Soh Lang, Dr Lim Hock Siew (deceased), Loh Kah Seng, Haw Thar Heong, Geoff Wade, and Said Zahari.
  2. These writings have one focus: Lee Kuan Yew took (?) advantage of the need for the British colonial power to extricate itself from its status as Singapore’s colonial master, and also the Federation of Malaya’s ambition to expand its political influence before Singapore became part of Malaysia. Using the charge that they were pro-communists, Lee committed the historical crime of arresting the leftwing political party and organisation led by Lim Chin Siong and had its members detained without trial and for the long term. Historians Hong Lysa. Thum Ping Tjin and Geoff Wade  have examined declassified archival materials to reveal the truth behind Operation Coldstore! The other authors write as participants, speaking the truth about the historical events.

Since 16 November 2013 to date, the PAP has remained silent on the subject.

Why is that?

Because the fourth generation PAP leaders have no reply at all to the accusations made, and have failed to rebut the charges that the book puts forth, and are unable to condemn the book as baseless and libelous.  Speaking at the book launch on 16 November 2013, Dr Poh Soo Kai brought out the following facts:

……

His first point:  How Lee Kuan Yew deceived, made use of, and hijacked the agenda of the left. The leftwing leaders thought that like them, Lee Kuan Yew was an anti-colonialist, and joined forces with him to strengthen the anti-colonial forces. The leaders of the left were not sufficiently aware of the fact that Lee had other ideas, and often found themselves facing enemies of two fronts. Dr Poh said that his essay has described how the PAP was formed with leftwing support. Lee masqueraded himself (?)posed falsely) as a great anti-colonial freedom fighter and tricked the left into giving him their confidence. Even though some of Lee’s actions at the time were suspect, the leftwing leaders continued to support him, until the Hong Lim and Anson by-elections in 1961.

His second point:

At the end of the period when they were ” held hostage”, the left wing leaders were expelled and booted out of the PAP. Thus only towards the end of 1961 did they establish the Barisan Sosialis. It is thus nonsense to say that the leftwing leaders and dissidents split from the party. They were in fact thrown out by the PAP.

Let us go back to the PAP when it was founded in 1954 to see how it won broad support from the left. The programme of the party was for anti-colonialism, fighting to obtain democracy and the economic welfare for the people, reducing income disparity, reasonable treatment of workers’ organisations. The left in Singapore supported the PAP because of its guiding principles.

……

Dr Poh’s ninth point:

Never mind how sincere people were, the moment the issue was brought out in the open, – issue isn’t spelled out. Lee’s response was: since this is the situation, the time has come to turn hostile. Lee fired a number of his political secretaries: Lim Chin Siong, Fong Swee Suan, Woodhull, and Industrial Promotion Board chairman James Puthucheary in order to preserve British support for him. The dissidents in the Party who called for greater transparency on the details of the merger scheme were also expelled. It was thus that the Barisan Sosialis came into existence.

We are therefore now clear about subsequent development of events, including the 1963 Operation Coldstore .

……”

  1. Tan Pin Pin’s To Singapore with love was not made any voice-over or commentaries from the film-maker. The interviewees did not an overdrive to expound their political beliefs; they purely hoped that the PAP government would allow them to return to Singapore to be reunited with family, relatives and friends.

The PAP government has allow unrestricted and a limitless number of PRC citizens to live in Singapore. Even before becoming citizens, as permanent residents they are allowed to join government-affiliated organizations, such as the People’s Association, resident committees and community centres and become members of the management committees!

Why is it that Singaporeans who are political exiles all over the world have to face conditions, which are barriers to their return? Just what is the 4th generation leadership afraid of?

Why can the whole world (particularly Malaysia and Thailand) accommodate Singapore’s political exiles, but Singapore won’t allow their compatriots to return?

What is the difference between publications which give personal accounts of political persecution by Lee Kuan Yew, and a film that does this?

……”

The director and producer  of To Singapore with Love Tan Pin Pin said in a statement : ‘I am very disappointed by the MDA decision to ban it — for myself, and also what it means for Singapore. Like many of my other films, To Singapore, with Love took shape organically. I was making a video about Singapore’s coastline from afar. In the process of researching the idea of being outside, I stumbled upon Escape from the Lion’s Paw (2012), a book of first-person accounts by Singapore political exiles, people who remain outside the country, but not by choice.’

I am very disappointed by the MDA decision to ban it — for myself, and also what it means for Singapore. Like many of my other films, To Singapore, with Love took shape organically. I was making a video about Singapore’s coastline from afar. In the process of researching the idea of being outside, I stumbled upon Escape from the Lion’s Paw (2012), a book of first-person accounts by Singapore political exiles, people who remain outside the country, but not by choice.

Lee Hsien Loong said, ” Why should we allow them, through a movie, to present an account of themselves, not of documentary history, objectively presented. But is a self-serving personal account, conveniently inaccurate in places, glossing over inconvenient facts and others, which will sully the honour and the reputation of the security people, and the brave men and women who fought the communist, all those many years.’

Does Lee Hsien Loong really know of history? Or was it as he said in Zaobao:” I was still young, but though I did not participate directly in the events, watched developments closely. I remember when I was studying in England I saw people fighting for the release of detainees.’

Lee Hsien Loong said, ‘I was still young.’ Yet he can come to a conclusion on history: ‘the armed rebellion of the MCP, which caused the loss of a few thousand lives’.

Was he still young? Or was Lee Hsien Loong already directly involved in politics? I really don’t understand what he is saying. Actually I can’t care less whether ‘he was still young’, or if he was ‘already directly involved in politics’. We will now tell everything about the history of that period! Let everyone judge for themselves the Malayan Communist Party, the history of the struggle of democratic progressive patriots in Malaya! (peninsula Malaya and Singapore)

The Communist Party of Malaya was founded in1930.

With the outbreak of World War II, the Malayan Communist Party in line with the international anti-fascist war led the anti-Japanese war in the Malay Peninsula and Singapore island. The people of all ethnic groups fought the Japan fascists in three years and eight months of arduous struggle and achieved victory! With the Japanese fascist invasion of Malaya between 1941 and 1945, the MCP built its armed defence force, the Malayan People’s Anti-Japanese Army!

From 1945 to early 1948, the British colonialists had to allow the MCP to operate openly in politics as the anti-Japanese war had just ended, and Malayan society still needed the MCP to be able to function.

During the anti-Japanese war, the MCP won the respect and trust of the people of all races and classes in Malaya! In the interlude where it could operate legally in politics it worked for the workers of all races in the struggle to win independence, democracy and justice! “British gentlemen” were forced to make superficial concessions. With the victory of the international anti-fascist war, the leader of the imperialist powers, the United States decided to put an end to the Afro-Asian and Latin American people’s struggle for national liberation and independence! This was especially with the defeat of Chiang Kai-Shek and the establishment of the People’s Republic of China after three years of war!

From 1948 the British colonialists commenced the scheme of all-out suppression of the MCP! It carried out comprehensive mass arrests, and repressed the resistance movement of workers and people of all ethnic groups who were in the struggle for better working conditions and better pay. In the peninsular, large numbers of Chinese were put into ‘New Villages’. In Singapore, the labour unions which led the workers in calling for better working conditions were shut down, and their leaders detained. The MCP cadres and organisations were forced underground to continue their anti-British national liberation war!

On 20 June 1948 , the MCP announced that armed forces and underground organisations its command were all to operate underground to continue the anti-colonial struggle against the British! This thirty-year long national liberation war was sustained by the support of the masses, and the indomitable will to fight!

In this 30-year long people’s liberation war, the MCP went through the treason of Lai Teck, infiltration by the enemy, betrayal of traitors, countless instances of being encircled and attacked by Malaya’s Tunku Abdul Rahman and the Thai military, led by the British. Its underground organisations suffered damage, its members were arrested. It also participated in the Baling Talks with the Tunku and Singapore’s Marshall before Malaya got its independence!

Though the Baling Talks failed, it is a very important and historical event of far-reaching political significance! It illustrates clearly that:

The Malayan Communist Party was a political organization that adheres to its principles while it  flexible in its policies! For the sake of Malaya’s independence, peace and democracy it was willing to hold peace talks with the enemy! It the long-term ability to resist the armed repression by the enemy , or to meet at the negotiating table with the enemy! It was not a terrorist organisation, which the British declared it to be in 1948!

The MCP had hoped that national liberation could be achieved through talks with the British, and it was willing to continue to contribute to the Malaya’s independence!  However the Baling talks ultimately ended in failure.

The cause of the failure of the Baling talks did not rest with the MCP!

  • The insurmountable obstacle was the fact that the MCP would not be allowed to be a legal political party, and participate openly in politics! This was against its principle and was totally unacceptable!
  • Malaya’s Tunku was using the Baling Talks as a bargaining chip with the British in its independence talks. But it was unable to overcome the obstacle put up by the British—the accusation that the MCP was a ‘militant terrorist organisation’!
  • The dogmatism of Singapore’s Marshall added to the complication! The MCP was an illegal terrorist organisation! There is to be no bargaining or negotiations with them!
  •  What the British could not get through war, they could not get at the negotiation table either! At the same time, the MCP was forced into the jungle in 1948. It did not have the opportunity to tell the world about the brutality of the British forces, or to let the world know of its views on an independent Malaya, the motherland! The MCP took the opportunity of the Baling Talks to make its views known! This was the most meaningful outcome of the Baling talks!                                             

 

From this time on, the MCP could not lead Malaya openly, it could not take part in open politics! With the British proclamation that the MCP was an illegal terrorist organisation, the political environment in Malaya also changed! The Malay nationalists led by Ahmad Boestamam and Dr Burhanuddin; the English-educated intellectuals led by lawyer Lim Kean Chye, Dr Rajakumar, Dr Lim Hock Siew and Dr Poh Soo Kai; and the Chinese-speaking led Lim Chin Siong, and Fong Swee and Tan Kah Hee set up political parties: Partai Rakyat Malaya, Labour Party of Malaya (subsequently forming the Socialist Front); and in Singapore, the People’s Action Party, and when Lee Kuan Yew expelled the left wing, the Barisan Sosialis.   Together with labour unions and cultural organisations, they filled the vacuum in open politics, which the MCP was excluded from! The British, the Federation government and the State of Singapore government termed them collectively ‘the leftwing organisations’.

Malaya’s ‘leftwing organisations emerged and were active in politics from 1948, with the declaration of the Emgergency in Malaya (including Singapore) and the introduction of the Security Ordinance (?) in Singapore. They were a vital political force

From the1950s the leftwing organisations in Malaya led the people in opposing colonialism, and struggling to realise the unity and independence of Malaya and Singapore, and freedom democracy and equality for the people!

In the 1950s and 1960s the political goals of leftwing organisations in Malaya were similar to those of the MCP. But the left were not under the leadership of the MCP. Even though there were MCP members in their midst, the leadership of the movement was in the hands of the leftwing organisations.

This is a very important matter of principle in examining the history of that period!

The MCP had to face the military suppression of the British, and subsequently the Federation government. It had to abandon  peaceful, legitimate and open political activity. They had to revert to armed struggle to achieve its political goals!

Despite the mass arrests and fascist repression and closing down of their organisations by the British, and subsequently the Federation and Singapore governments, the left in Malaya kept to constitutional politics to achieve their political goals!

In the 1960s, in order to ensure the success of the formation of Malaysia, The British with Tunku and Lee Kuan Yew took repressive measures to decimate the left wing! These were the notorious arrests on 2 February and 13 February 1963 in Malayan history!

The excuse that was given by the Malayan government was that the left were satellites of the MCP, part of its Communist United Front, pro-communists etc! They were intent on classifying the Chinese-educated leftwing leaders as having intimate connections with the MCP, and the Malays and the English-educated, as being influenced by Western democratic ideals!

With the repression and decimation that the left wing groups suffered in the 1960s, their voice on the open political stage became almost non-existent! The MCP members however were not totally eliminated from politics. Their activities were covert.

The following points should be noted about the left-wing groups of the 1950s and 1960s:

The Malayan leftwing groups  did not have any direct link with the MCP or their underground activities! ‘

Even though the leftwing groups and the MCP had the same direction, with their different backgrounds and education that their leaders received, they each had their own communication with the masses. How their views were formed and the way they chose to act therefore was at variance with the MCP.

The clear manifestations in Singapore can be seen from the different attitudes the leftwing groups and the MCP held towards the friction between Lee Kuan Yew and Ong Eng Guan, and the different views they had towards parliamentary struggle and extra-parliamentary struggle.

History clearly shows that despite their having similar political goals and destinations, the leftwing organisations and the MCP were like two trains on different tracks and with different drivers!

If the history of this period is not carefully examined, and there is confusion about the two groups: that the MCP are leaders of the leftwing groups, then it is willy-nilly saying the exactly what the enemies who in the1950s, 1960s and 1970s use as excuses to detain the leaders of the Malayan leftwing movement!

From Lee Kuan Yew to Goh Chok Tong to Lee Hsien Loong today, they reiterate the same line when talking about the crackdown on left-wing organizations, patriotic and democratic progressives: that they were directly or indirectly led by the MCP! That is the reason why we need to go into the long story of the MCP and the leftwing organisations from the anti-Japanese war to the 1960s.

We are in the 21st century today, but the PAP is still using the same reasons to ban the screening of To Singapore with Love. We can only say that the 4th generation leaders still live in the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s! They cannot disavow the fabrications in the last century  by the Almighty Master that caused progressive patriots to be still in exile today!

Tommy Koh, who has long been involved in the PAP said ‘I don’t think communism is still a threat to the country’s security’!?

Lee Hsien Loong said:  “I don’t think communism will win. Communism is over, but I don’t think the people who used to support communism, some of them, have given up the fight for a place on the winner’s podium.”

They are singing different tunes. Should we listen to the master’s word, or that of the servant?

Master says: ” I don’t think some of the people who had supported the Communist have given up the struggle for victory. ”

So ‘ To Singapore with Love ‘ should not be allowed to be screened in Singapore?!  So our progressive democratic patriots must go through ‘the formal process’ before they can end their exile and return home?

Servant says: ‘I don’t think communism is still a threat to the country’s security’!?

Can the exiles return home then?  He can talk big in front of the university students. But the Master’s word is what counts.

Let us take a look at the actual international situation today:  Lee Hsien Loong said : ” “I don’t think the people who used to support communism, some of them, have given up the fight for a place on the winner’s podium.” And that the reason for not allowing the progressive democratic patriots to return home is that they reject the condition that they have to account for their past to the authorities.!

In the 1980s, after a year-long of difficult and complex negotiations, the MCP, the government of Thailand and of Malaysia finally signed the Hadyai Peace Agreement on 2 December 1989! What is the significance of this to the struggle for independence, democracy and equality by the people of Malaysia and Singapore?

Firstly, let us have a look at the background of the Hadyai peace accord.

The Hadyai accord did not happen overnight.

1  In 1978, the Malaysian and Thai governments implemented  the policy of military encirclement of the MCP at the Malaysian-Thai border. This lasted 20 years, but it did not succeed. The two governments thus had to consider the burden of the long-term financial and military resources they had to bear.

2  The  Hadyai protocols ‘ signed by the Malayan Communist Party, and the governments of Thailand and Malaysia had one purpose in common—to have a peaceful, stable and narcotics-free border area;

Following the signing of the Hadyai Peace Agreement accord, the MCP made clear  the following to its members:

  1. The Hadyai Peace accord was not the surrender of the MCP to the Malaysian and Thai governments!
  2. The MCP has adhered to its principle:  the MCP would not consider any peace terms where it had to surrender to its enemies or accept any form of submission. The politburo, central committee and I will not depart from this simple stand. It is now the end of the 1980s, but nothing has changed from the Baling talks. We want peace, but it remains a peace with honour, not humiliation. A peace with dignity. We turned down a humiliating peace offer 33 years ago in the talks with Tunku and Marshall. Our comrades have endured more than 40 years of suffering, but they have not wavered. (Chin Peng, My Side of History)
  3. The Hadyai peace accords is the outcome of changes in the international environment. Citizens have used peaceful, democratic means to struggle for freedom, democracy and justice for their compatriots!
  4. With the conclusion of the Hadyai peace accords, Radio Suara Demokrasi Malaya (previously the Voice of the Malayan Revolution) announced to all MCP members on 29 December 1989 that ‘The signing of the Accords is in line with our Party’s policies of achieving peace. It is in line with international trend of the people’s demand for peace and democracy, and at the same time is in the interests of both Malaysia and Thailand.’ Members of the MCP did not give up on their eventual goal of achieving the ideals of freedom, democracy and equality with the Hadyai peace accords.  With the Hadyai peace accord, about 400 members of the Malayan National Liberation Army returned to Malaysia, another thousand remained in four Peace Villages in South Thailand. Those who returned to Malaya were allowed to participate in politics, to work with people of all ethnicities for the economic prosperity of the country, and to the struggle for the people’s livelihood!  (The Singapore government continued to consider Singapore citizens who were members of the MCP as terrorists. It did not participate in the Peace Accords, and those with Singapore citizenship were not allowed to return to the country.)On 3 Feb 1991, AFP despatched a statement from Chin Peng on the MCP members who have returned to Malaysia and who intend to take part in local politics:

This is very important.

  1. The 13th plenary meeting of the MCP central committee resolved to effect the immediate cessation of the armed struggle. Thereafter it would operate in the constitutional arena pursuing its long-term and peaceful struggle for democracy! The peaceful democratic movement will work closely with the masses for the peace and democracy to struggle for the unity of the nationalities, for the prosperity of the country and the improvement of people’s lives.
  2. They have complied with the Hadyai peace agreement, and have disbanded the troops, and ended the armed struggle
  3. They remain committed to socialism, but will operate within the law
  4.  Legally, the MCP remains an illegal organisation, so its members would have to form a new political party should they want to participate in elections.

Clearly it is difficult to form a new political party in Malaysia, but it is hoped that they will stand for elections, enter parliament, and be a constructive political opposition.

Chin Peng’s statement has significant and far-reaching political significance:

Whether it be the Malaysian government or the Singapore government, it is no longer possible to use the excuse that they had been using in the 1950s, 1960s, 1970s and 1980s against those in legal organisations, who are at present in the struggle for freedom, democracy and equality! The left wing organisations as a front for the MCP, communist  united front organisations, communist infiltrators, pro-communists –these were the excuses used to arrest and imprison members of the opposition!

The Malayan Communist Party has publicly renounced armed struggle, choosing the path of parliamentary struggle as constructive opposition party! Essentially they are making it unacceptable for the Malaysia Government or Singapore Government to continue using the excuse of accusing those progressive and democratic patriots and organisations as being involved in ‘ violent revolution to overthrow a legitimate government’!

MCP members, who have returned home, participate in politics in their own right, not as former MCP leaders!

This is the open statement that the MCP made about its future direction following the Hadyai peace accord!

Tommy Koh said, ‘I don’t think communism is still a threat to the country.’ He is right, but unfortunately he’s only a small fry! His words don’t carry weight!

Lee Hsien Loong said : ” I don’t think the people who used to support communism, some of them, have given up the fight for a place on the winner’s podium.”

He is right,  but unfortunately  only half right! The other half is: The MCP members have not abandoned the goal of their struggle! However, it is not the goal of the last century!—to establish the People’s Republic of Malaya! It is ‘the hope to be able to stand in the election, to enter parliament, to become a constructive opposition party.’  Lee Hsien Loong is living in the last century, the age of Lee Kuan Yew’s suppression of the leftwing organisations !

Does  the PAP wish to bring back the truth behind the contest between the people and Lee Kuan Yew in history? The onus lies with the PAP. We care not what it does! Honestly, we are in no position to care about it!

Those who speak as historians, under the direction of the PAP, who concoct ‘historical facts’ to support Lee Kuan Yew’s fabrication of ‘having connections with the MCP’— do continue uttering your balderdash if you want to!

Singapore’s history is not what the PAP, or particularly what Lee Kuan says, and that’s it —history as told by only one person! The launch of The 1963 Operation Coldstore in Singapore: Commemorating 50 years and the screening of To Singapore with Love outside of Singapore have been extremely important to fill the blank page in the Singapore history!

Only if the Singapore government is willing to seek truth from facts and include this part of history as an important component of the country’s history will Singapore history be complete! Only with a complete history will the citizens be able to unite as one to build a better country!

By using the Communist Party of Malaya as the bogeyman, the PAP will never succeed in exonerating Lee Kuan Yew from his crime of fabricating incidents to persecute patriotic and progressive democrats and destroy them! On the contrary, it would only deepen and widen the rift between the Party and the people!

It is absolutely not possible for the PAP to use the MCP to cover up the crime of Lee Kuan Yew, using fabrications  to persecute the progressive democratic patriots/ patriotic and progressive democrats in order to destroy them! On the contrary, this will only deepen and broaden the rift between the party and the people!

In order to continue suppressing the current patriotic, democratic and progressive forces and preventing them from growing and  developing further, the nascent patriotic and democratic movement is being painted as ‘the people who had supported the Communist and who will not give up the struggle for victory “. But this will not change the younger generation of Singaporeans from demanding to know the real history of what happened fifty years ago!

This then is the real message of Lee Hsien Loong’s  national day rally address!!!

The following videos are of interest:

  1. Dr Poh Soo Kai at the launch of The 1963 Operation Coldstore in Singapore: Commemorating 50 years

URL: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WKlukteugO4, and 

2. Dr Hong Lysa at the launch of  The 1963 Operation Coldstore in Singapore: Commemorating 50 years

URL: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WKlukteugO4、

3.Dr Thum Ping Tjin at the launch of  The 1963 Operation Coldstore in Singapore: Commemorating 50 years

URL:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NXcN4LLHhUQ

4.Loh Miao Ping at the launch of  The 1963 Operation Coldstore in Singapore: Commemorating 50 years

URL:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QpdzCGqKvos

5.Tan Kok Fang at the launch of  The 1963 Operation Coldstore in Singapore: Commemorating 50 years

URL:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2RX9uGzoV4k

6.Lee Tee Tong at the launch of  The 1963 Operation Coldstore in Singapore: Commemorating 50 years

URL:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Eeitm34RW1U

7.Statement in English and Chinese by Tan Pin Pin, director and producer of To Singapore with Love

URL:https://wangruirong.wordpress.com/2014/09/12/%e6%98%9f%e5%9b%bd%e6%81%8b%e5%bd%b1%e7%89%87%e5%af%bc%e6%bc%94%e5%85%bc%e5%88%b6%e4%bd%9c%e8%80%85%ef%bc%9a%e9%99%88%e5%bd%ac%e5%bd%ac%e5%b0%8f%e5%a7%90%e4%b8%ad%e8%8b%b1%e6%96%87/

“我不认为共产主义会取得胜利,共产主义已是过去式,但我不觉得一些曾支持共产主义的人放弃争取胜利的斗争” “没有人阻止影片中六个人(指被媒发局禁止在新加坡公开上映的《星国恋》,导演兼制片人陈彬彬。)回来新加坡。但他们并选择这么做。(指接受条件行动党政府交代他们过去的行为。)既然他们这样的选择,那是他们是权利。”

这是摘自《联合早报》在2014年10月4日刊登在《新加坡新闻第六版》李显龙在2014年10月3日在新加坡国立大学协会的讲话的核心内容。

李显龙为什么要说这些话?

李显龙不是一时兴起说这些话的。他是压抑了将近一年的时间才说这些的话。

为什么?

一、因为2013 年11 月16日以傅树介医生、陈国防先生、孔莉莎博士合编出版的了一本书名:《冷藏行动》。这本书收集了包括傅树介医生、陈国防先生、孔莉莎博士、谭炳鑫博士、卢妙萍女士、许庚献先生、李思东先生、陈仁贵先生(已故)、张素兰小姐、林福寿医生(已故)、罗家成博士、陶祚强先生、韦杰夫博士(DR. GEOFF WADE)、赛查哈利(SAID ZAHARI)先生的文章。

这些文章的集中了一个焦点:就是新加坡加入马来西亚之前,李光耀利用了英国殖民主义者急于解决和摆脱自己在新加坡的殖民地统治的地位和马来亚联合邦要扩大自己政治势力的愿望,把以林清祥为首的新加坡的左翼政党和组织的领导人以‘亲共’、‘共产党统一战线’等罪名逮捕、不经审讯和长期监禁的历史罪行公诸!历史学家孔莉莎博士、谭炳鑫博士、韦杰夫博士(DR. GEOFF WADE)从英国等地收集的已经解密档案资料揭露了的‘冷藏行动’的真实面目!其他文章的作者是以自己作为当时的历史参与者的献身说法叙述了当时的历史事实。

从2013 年11 月16日这本书出版至今,行动党一直保持缄默。

为什么?

因为第四代行动党领导人绝对无法对这本书的所有一切指控提出任何足于让人信服口服的反驳资料,以证明正本所说的、所提供的资料都虚构和具有毁谤性的!

傅树介医生于2013 年11 月16日在《新加坡1963年的冷藏行动50周年纪念》新书发布会上的讲话提到了以下历史事实: ……

第一点,   关于新加坡左翼政治领袖是怎么被李光耀欺瞒、利用和挟持的。左翼领袖以为李光耀和他们一样反对殖民统治,团结李光耀一起斗争,有利于增强反殖力量,壮大反殖队伍。左翼领袖没有充分意识到李光耀其实别有用心,根本不是同路人,所以经常使自己两面受敌。我的文章,叙述了行动党在左翼支持下的建党过程。李光耀把自己伪装成伟大的反对殖民统治的自由斗士,骗取了左翼的信任。尽管对李光耀当时已有的一些倒行逆施不是完全没有怀疑,新加坡左翼政治领袖还是继续选择支持他,一直到1961 年芳林和安顺区补选的时候。   第二点要说的是,   在“挟持”阶段结束的时候,左翼政治领袖遭到排斥,被行动党扫地出门,于是才有1961 年末社会主义阵线的成立。因此,说什么左翼领袖和行动党内的异议分子从行动党分裂出来,这是不对的。这些人实际上是被行动党排挤出来的。   让我们回顾1954 年行动党建党时的情况,从中理解当时这个党为什么会得到左翼的广泛支持。行动党的建党纲领,是反对殖民统治,争取民主,争取人民的经济福利,缩小收入差距,合理对待工人组织。新加坡左翼支持行动党,正是基于这样的纲领。

……  

第九点  

李光耀的反应是:事已如此,翻脸的时刻到了。 从那时开始,李光耀为了维持英国当局对他的支持,开除了他的好几名政治秘书:林清祥,方水双,兀哈尔,以及工业促进局主席詹姆斯·普都遮里。行动党内要求透明度,呼吁公开和马来亚联合邦合并细节的异议分子,也同样被开除。 于是,才有了社会主义阵线的诞生。下来又将发生什么事,包括1963 年冷藏行动的残暴逮捕,我们现在都清楚了。 ……”

二、陈彬彬小姐所拍摄的《星国恋》在完全没有加入影片制作者的任何旁白下进行了摄制。影片中的被访问者在影片并没有大肆宣传自己的政治主张,而纯粹就希望行动党政府能够让早日回家与家人、亲戚朋友见面团聚!

行动党政府可以无限制和无限量的让来自中国的公民移居新加坡,甚至在他们还未成为新加坡公民之前就让他们以永久居民的身份参与一手控制的御用组织(如人民协会以及其属下的RC和CC等)的活动并成为这些御用组织的管理委员会成员!

为什么许多偏偏要为那些目前在世界各地的新加坡政治流亡者的回国设置障碍条件!?

第四代行动党到底是害怕啥?

为什么全世界(特别是马来西亚和泰国)都容纳得下新加坡的政治流亡者,新加坡却无法让自己的同胞回来呢?

以书籍出版形式说出当年自己被李光耀的政治迫害和以影片的形式亲身说出自己被李光耀的政治迫害,到底差别在哪儿?  

《星国恋》影片制作者兼导演陈彬彬小姐在她发表的声明中说:“媒体局决定禁止这部影片的公开放映,我感到非常失望。这样的做法又会对新加坡起着什么作用呢?就像我制作的其他影片一样,星国恋的题材是采纳了直接的原始题材。我原本要在新加坡以外的地方制作一个关于新加坡海岸线的视频,可是在我进行研究工作时,偶然地发现了一本书籍, 书名为:《逃出狮爪》(2012年出版)。这本书是采用第一人物叙述,讲的是一批至今还别无选择必须流亡在其他国家的新加坡政治流亡者

李显龙却说,“我们又为什么让他们透过影片来自圆其说,这不是记录历史、客观呈现历史的纪录片,而是以个人利益为出发点的说辞。”、“影片中的个别人物涉及‘共产党的叛乱’,那是个夺走数千条生命的叛乱。” 李显龙真的是了解当时的历史吗?还是如《早报》所引述说的:“自己当时年纪还小,虽然没有直接参与但一直留意事态发展,也记得在英国留念读书时看到有人争取释放被拘留者”。

李显龙说‘自己年纪小’又可以对当时的历史下定论是:‘共产党的叛乱’、‘夺走数千条生命的叛乱’(?) 那到底李显龙是年纪小?还是李显龙已经直接参与当时的政治了? 确实搞不懂他在说啥?

咱也不管他是‘年纪小’(?)还是不是‘直接参与’(?)

咱们现在就把当时的历史一一述说!

让大家自己判断马来亚共产党、当时的马来亚(下同,包括马来亚半岛和新加坡岛在内)爱国进步民主人所进行的斗争历史吧!

马来亚共产党是在1930年成立。

在第二次世界大战爆发,马来亚共产党配合国际反法西斯战争,领导包括马来半岛和新加坡岛(以下简称‘马来亚’。下同。)各族人民与日本法西斯进行了三年八个月的艰苦卓绝的斗争,取得了抗日战争的胜利!

这是1943年——1945年日本法西斯入侵马来亚时马来亚共产党以自己建立的武装力量为后盾——马来亚人民抗日军与日本法西斯进行抗日斗争! 1943年抗日战争结束后到1948年初英国殖民主义者鉴于当时抗日战争刚刚结束,胜利后的马来亚社会还需要马来亚共产党存在,它们被迫允许马来亚共产党进行公开合法的政治活动!

——马来亚共产党在抗日战争时期已经在马来亚各族同胞和各阶层老百姓树立了的崇高威信! 马来亚共产党获得的短暂和合法地位在马来亚进行公开的政治活动,为马来亚各族劳动人民、各阶层老百姓进行争取自由、民主与平等的斗争!这是英国人在战后被迫做出的表面让步!

在国际反法西斯战争取得胜利后,以美国为首的国际帝国主义势力为了制止亚非拉人民争取民族解放和国家独立的斗争,特别是因为中国经过三年的解放战争,彻底打败蒋介石成立了中华人民共和国后,决定阻止亚洲各国人民争取民族解放与国家独立的斗争!

从1948年英国殖民主义者向马来亚共产党开始进行全面的镇压计划!——英国殖民主义者在马来亚进行了全面的大逮捕、镇压各地的工人和各族人民为了在战后进行要求改善工作条件、加薪和组织的抗争运动、在马来亚半岛大批的华族被关进了‘新村’、在新加坡领导各行各业的工人要求改善工作条件的工会组织被封闭、领导人被拘留、马来亚共产党被迫带领自己的党员干部和组织转入地下与英国殖民主义者进行抗英民族解放战争!

从1948年6月20 日开始,马来亚共产党宣布其领导的武装部队和地下组织完全转入地下继续与英国殖民主义者进行斗争!这是一场长达30年的争取祖国独立与民族解放的战争!

——马来亚共产党在这场长达30年的民族解放战争中,依靠群众支持力量、顽强的斗争意志生存了下来! 在这长达30年的民族解放战争过程中,马来亚共产党经历了清除了大内奸莱特、经历了敌人混进党内以及叛徒的出卖、经历了以英国人为首、马来亚的东姑阿都拉曼和泰国的军事力量联合进行的无数次围剿和进攻以及地下组织遭受破坏、其成员被逮捕、也经历了在马来亚联合邦独立前与当时的马来亚东姑阿杜拉曼和新加坡的马绍尔进行的‘华玲会谈’!

尽管‘华玲会谈’是以失败告终,但这是一个极其重要并具有深远政治意义的历史事件!

它充分说明了:

马来亚共产党是一个坚持原则又有灵活政策的政治组织!它为了马来亚的独立解放、和平与民主可以和敌人进行和平谈判!它有能力面对抵御敌人进行长期的武装镇压,也可以在谈判桌上与敌人进行谈判的政治组织!它不是英国殖民主义者在1948年所宣布的是一个恐怖组织!

尽管马来亚共产党是希望通过会谈结束与英国人进行的民族解放战争,为马来亚的独立继续做出自己的贡献!但是,‘华玲会谈’最终以失败结束。

‘华玲会谈’失败的原因不在于马来亚共产党!而是——

  1. 绝对无法超越和克服的障碍——马来亚联合邦独立后马来亚共产党不可以成为一个合法的政党、不可以进行公开参与政治活动!当时,对马来亚共产党而言,这是一个重大原则和不可接受的条件!
  2. 马来亚的东姑阿杜拉曼是要利用与马共的会谈作为与英国人谈判马来亚联合邦的独立筹码。但是,他摆脱不了英国人设置的障碍——马来亚共产党是一个‘好战的恐怖组织’!
  3. 新加坡的马绍尔的教条主义让会谈陷入了更加复杂的因素!——马来亚共产党是一个非法的恐怖组织!这是绝对不可以进行任何讨价还价的问题!
  4. 英国人在战场无法得到的东西,在谈判桌上也得不到!与此同时,马来亚共产党在1948年被迫进入森林进行抗英民族解放战争后,就无法公开把英国人的武装残酷镇压向马来亚人民及全世界暴露!无法对涉及马来亚人民前途的独立问题,向全世界公布了自己对祖国的独立的主张和看法!马来亚共产党也充分利用了这个机会向马来亚人民和全世界说明了自己的立场!

这就是‘华玲会谈’最重要的意义!

从这个时候开始,马来亚共产党基本上已经不再公开领导马来亚公开合法的政治运动量!

就在马来亚共产党被英国人宣布为非法恐怖组织后,马来亚的政治环境也出现了新的变化。 以阿末。布士达曼和巴哈努丁为首的马来民族主义者、以林建寿律师、惹雅古玛医生、林福寿医生和傅树楷医生为首的受英文教育高级知识分子和以林清祥、方水双和陈凯西为首的受华文教育分子在马来亚各自组成的政党(马来亚人民党、马来亚劳工党(之后组成马来亚人民社会主义阵线)和新加坡人民行动党以及后来与李光耀分裂组成新加坡社会主义阵线)、工会和文化团体填补了马来亚共产党离开公开合法活动的政治舞台的真空!

英国人以及后来的马来亚联合邦政府以及新加坡自治邦政府都把这些组织统一称为‘左翼组织’(下同)。 马来亚的‘左翼组织’的出现和活跃于马来亚的政治舞台,是从1948年英国人在马来亚宣布紧急法令以及在新加坡颁布公安法令后在马来亚出现的一股极其重要的政治力量! 马来亚‘左翼组织’从50年代开始在公开合法的政治环境中领导各族人民进行反对英国的殖民统治、争取实现马来亚半岛与新加坡的统一与独立、争取战后各族人民的自由、民主与平等的政治活动!

马来亚‘左翼组织’在20世纪50年代到60年代末期的政治活动要达到的目标与马来亚共产党提出的政治目标接近的。但是,马来亚‘左翼组织’的活动并不是在马来亚共产党领导下!尽管当时马来亚‘左翼组织’里有马来亚共产党留下来继续进行地下活动的成员,但是,主导马来亚‘左翼组织’的政治斗争的领导权是掌握在‘左翼组织’领导人手里。

这是一个非常重要的历史原则性质的问题!

马来亚共产党面对英国人以及后来的马来亚联合邦政府的武力镇压,他们不得不放弃进行和平、合法与公开的政治活动,改以通过自己的武装力量为后盾去实现自己的政治目标!  

马来亚‘左翼组织’尽管面对英国人以及后来的马来亚联合邦政府和新加坡共和国政府的逮捕和封闭组织的法西斯镇压,他们始终坚持在宪法允许的范围内进行公开、合法的议会选举为手段实现自己的政治目标!

在20世纪60年代,在马来西亚成立前,英国人伙同东姑阿杜拉曼和李光耀为了确保马来西亚联邦的顺利成立,对马来亚‘左翼组织’进行全面的和灭绝性的镇压!那就是马来亚历史上著名的1963年2月2日以及2月13日的大逮捕行动!

当时马来亚政府的藉口就是:‘左翼组织’是马来亚共产党的外围组织、共产党统一战线组织、共产党员参透、亲共分子等等!特别是他们有意识的把‘左翼组织’中的受华文教育背景的领导人归类为与马来亚共产党有密切关系、马来人及受英文教育背景的领导人则是受西方民主思想的影响!

马来亚‘左翼组织’经过60年代的遭受全面和灭绝性的镇压后,可以说,马来亚‘左翼组织’及其成员完全从马来亚的合法政治活动舞台销声匿迹!

马来亚‘左翼组织’在马来亚的政治舞台销声匿迹时,实际上马来亚共产党在60年代并没有完全离开马来亚的政治舞台。他们还没暴露的成员还继续潜伏并进行着活动。

20世纪50——60年代的这段‘左翼组织’的活动历史要说明如下的事实:

马来亚‘左翼组织’的政治活动并没有与马来亚共产党地下活动没有任何直接的联系! 尽管马来亚‘左翼组织’和马来亚共产党在与统治者之间进行斗争的步伐是一致的。但是,由于马来亚‘左翼组织’的领导人是来自上述所说的不同教育背景,因此,各自有自己收集民意和资讯来源的渠道,这就形成了他们之间对一些问题的看法和处理手法也有所差异。 具体表现在新加坡的就有:

马来亚共产党和‘左翼组织’之间对如何看待李光耀与王永远的事件、如何看待帝凡那投靠李光耀事件不同的态度、对遵循议会选举斗争还是议会外的斗争的立场都存有不同的看法。 历史明确的证明:尽管双方的政治目标是相同,但是,这两个组织就像两部在不同的轨道有不同的驾驶员操作下行驶的列车!

如果未能认清这段历史的事实。把这两股政治力量或组织混为一谈:即马来亚共产党领导马来亚‘左翼组织’!那与敌人在506070年代逮捕马来亚‘左翼组织’领导人时所引用的藉口就不吻而合!

从李光耀、到吴作栋、再到今天的李显龙,他们在对付镇压左翼组织、爱国民主进步力量时,始终采取一致的口径!——这一切都是受马来亚共产党直接领导或间接指挥的! 这就是:为什么要花这么长的篇幅去叙述从抗日战争一直到20世纪60 年代的马来亚共产党与马来亚‘左翼组织’的历史? 进入21世纪的今天,行动党还用这样的理由禁止《星国恋》在新加坡的公开放映,只能说,第四代行动党还活在20世纪50 、60和70 年代的日子!——实质上:他们不可以把祖师爷上个世纪捏造并强加在目前流亡在世界各国的爱国进步民主身上的罪名的话扔掉!

许通美,这个长期在行动党的米仓里混的说,“他不觉得共产主义仍能威胁国家的安全”?!李显龙却说:“我不觉得一些曾支持共产主义的人放弃争取胜利的斗争”。 他们俩各唱各的调子,咱们到底要听主人的话?还是仆人的话?

主人说:“我不觉得一些曾支持共产主义的人放弃争取胜利的斗争”——所以。‘星国恋’不应被允许公开在新加坡上映?!所以‘目前流亡在世界各地爱国进步民主人士必须‘办理规定的手续’才准回国!?

仆人说:“他不觉得共产主义仍能威胁国家的安全”?——那‘星国恋’是否可以在新加坡公开上映?!那些目前流亡在世界各地爱国进步民主人士是否可以回国?——我看,还是主人说了算。他是在大学生面前就是讲爽吧了!

让我们看看一下实际情况是不是李显龙所说的:“我不觉得一些曾支持共产主义的人放弃争取胜利的斗争”以及行动党为所有目前流亡在世界各地的爱国进步民主人士回国定下的条件——“携眷回到新加坡,同有关当局交代他们过去是行为”不被接受的原因吧!

上个世纪80年代,马来亚共产党、马来西亚政府和泰国政府三方经过了近一年冗长、艰苦和复杂的谈判后,于1989年12月2日在泰国的合艾签署了震动国际的‘合艾和平协议’! ‘合艾协议’的签署对马来西亚和新加坡人民争取自由、民主与平等的政治运动产生了什么意义? 首先咱们先看看在‘合艾协议’签署的历史背景。 ‘合艾协议’的成功签署不是偶然的。  

1.‘合艾协议’签署前,在1978年马来西亚政府与泰国政府对在泰马边境的马来亚共产党进行了长达20个月的围剿军事行动。围剿行动最终以失败告终迫使马泰两国政府不得不考虑各自的在经济上和军事上的长期承担包袱!  

2.‘合艾协议’是在马来亚共产党、泰国政府和马来西亚政府三方具有共同的愿望!——需要一个和平、稳定和无毒品的边区;   在‘合艾协议’签署后,马来亚共产党为其党员定了调:

  1. ‘合艾协议’的签署不是马来亚共产党向马来西亚政府和泰国政府投降!
  2. 马来亚共产党坚持了一个原则:“假如要向敌人投降或者接受任何形式的屈服,我们决不寻求和平。我与政治局和中委都对此简单不移。现在1980年代末,与‘华玲会谈’那个时候一样,我们这种要和平,不过依然必须是在光荣不辱下达致的和平。这种和平必须有尊严。事实33年前我与东姑和马绍尔会谈中被拒绝的。我们的同志受了40多年的磨难,想得到的还是一样”(见陈平:《我方的历史》第429页)
  3. ‘合艾协议’是在国际大环境已经发生根本变化——各国人民通过和平、民主的途径争取本国人民的自由 、民主与平等的斗争!
  4. 在‘合艾协议’签署生效后,马来亚共产党通过《马来亚民主之声》(其前身为《马来亚革命之声》)在19891229日的广播向全体党员发出了说明:“这些协议符合我们党争取实现和平的政策。符合当前世界人民要求和平与民主的历史潮流,同时,也符合马来西亚和泰国两国的利益。”

‘合艾协议’签署后的马来亚共产党员并没有放弃为最终在马来西亚争取实现自由、民主与平等的理想。 “马来亚共产党第13次扩大的中央委员会全体会议批准的协议决定:马来亚共产党立即停止武装斗争,今后在马来西亚宪法范围仅长期的和平民主斗争!在和平民主运动中和广大人民紧密团结在一起,为了和平民主,为了各民族的团结,为了繁荣国家的经济和改善人民的生活而奋斗。”

这是非常重要的。

因为在‘合艾协议’下,有400名马来亚人民军成员(原为马来亚民族解放)回到马来西亚,另外1千名成员留在泰南4个和平村生活。那些回到马来西亚的成员允许直接参与政治活动,为马来西亚各族人民一起为繁荣国家的经济和盖上人民的生活而奋斗!(新加坡以属于新加坡公民的马来亚共产党员仍然是‘恐怖分子’为由不愿参与‘会谈’以致新加坡籍的马来亚共产党无法回到新加坡) 在1991年2月3日,《法新社》发出了陈平有关马来亚共产党回国的党员参与马来西亚的政治活动的说明:

  1. 他们已经遵守‘合艾协议’解散部队,停止武装斗争;
  2. 他们依然服膺社会主义,不过会遵守法律;
  3.  从法律观点来看,共产党还是不合法的,所以他们唯一是选择便是成立一个新党;
  4. 明了在马来西亚组织政党是‘困难的事’,但希望能够参与大选,进入国会,成为一个建设性的反对党。

陈平的说明是具有非常重大和深远的政治意义:

不论是马来西亚政府或新加坡政府无法再以50607080年代时期的藉口对付目前进行争取马来西亚的自由、民主与平等斗争的公开合法组织!——‘左翼组织’是马来亚共产党的外围组织、共产党统一战线组织、共产党员参透、亲共分子!逮捕和监禁任何反对党成员!   马来亚共产党已经公开宣布放弃武装斗争,选择走在法律允许范围内的议会斗争,成为一个具有建设性的反对党的道路!从根本上迫使马来西亚政府或新加坡政府不能再以目前进行爱国民主斗争的爱国民主人士和组织是要‘进行暴力革命推翻合法政府’的藉口!

马来亚共产党员回国后是以参与者的身份参与马来西亚的政治运动,而不是以领导者的身份领导当前马来西亚的爱国民主政治运动! 以上是马来亚共产党在《合艾协议》签署后公开阐明自己未来的方向!

请浏览有关《合艾协议》具体条约的网址:

http://www.ehornbill.com/v12/2012-11-06-12-02-23/2012-11-06-12-03-24/3929-1989

许通美说,“他不觉得共产主义仍能威胁国家的安全”是全对的!可惜他是打酱油的——路过的人!他说了不算!

李显龙却说:“我不觉得一些曾支持共产主义的人放弃争取胜利的斗争”是对的。可惜只对了一半!另一半是,马来亚共产党员没有放弃他们的争取自己的斗争目标!但是,那不是上个世纪的目标!——建立马来亚人民共和国!而是“希望能够参与大选,进入国会,成为一个建设性的反对党。”——他还活在上个世纪和李光耀镇压左翼组织的年代!

行动党要不要还原新加坡人民与李光耀之间的斗争历史真实面貌?那是行动党自己的事!咱们不管!说真的,咱们也管不着!  

那些在行动党的指挥下,打着历史学家旗号的人,配合李光耀在历史上镇压新加坡的左翼组织所捏造的“与马来亚共产党有关”的“历史事实”提供‘证据’的人要咋说就继续说去吧!  

新加坡的历史不是行动党,特别是李光耀说了算的独家历史!

20131116日《新加坡1963年的冷藏行动50周年纪念》这本书的出版和《星国恋》在国外的放映已经极其重要的填补新加坡历史的空白页!   行动党政府只有实事求是的把这段主要的历史事实作为新加坡历史的一个重要必不可少的部分,新加坡的历史才是一部完整的历史!

一部完整的国家历史才能让全国人民同心同德的团结在一起建设一个更加美好的国家!  

为了洗脱李光耀在历史所犯下的罪行,行动党拿马来亚共产党来说事是绝对无法掩盖当年制造冤案迫害爱国进步民主人士的罪行!反过来,它只能加深和扩大人民之间的裂缝!  

为了继续压制和阻止当前爱国民主进步力量的发展壮大,把方兴未艾的争取爱国民主进步与平等的运动变相地描绘成是前左翼成员“不放弃支持共产主义胜利的斗争”改变不了新加坡年轻一代要求知道50年前的历史真相!  

这才是李显龙在国大的讲话真正要传递的信息!!!!

大家可以到以下的视频观赏:

1.傅树介医生在《新加坡1963年的冷藏行动50周年》新书发布会讲话网址: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ntfats1da4I

2.孔莉莎博士在《新加坡1963年的冷藏行动50周年》新书发布会讲话网址:      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WKlukteugO4、

3.覃柄鑫博士在《新加坡1963年的冷藏行动50周年》新书发布会讲话网址:     https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NXcN4LLHhUQ

4.卢妙萍女士在《新加坡1963年的冷藏行动50周年》新书发布会讲话网址: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QpdzCGqKvos

5.陈国防先生在《新加坡1963年的冷藏行动50周年》新书发布会讲话网址: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2RX9uGzoV4k

6.李思东先生在《新加坡1963年的冷藏行动50周年》新书发布会讲话网址: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Eeitm34RW1U

7.‘星国恋’影片导演兼制作者:陈彬彬小姐中英文声明全文网址: https://wangruirong.wordpress.com/2014/09/12/%e6%98%9f%e5%9b%bd%e6%81%8b%e5%bd%b1%e7%89%87%e5%af%bc%e6%bc%94%e5%85%bc%e5%88%b6%e4%bd%9c%e8%80%85%ef%bc%9a%e9%99%88%e5%bd%ac%e5%bd%ac%e5%b0%8f%e5%a7%90%e4%b8%ad%e8%8b%b1%e6%96%87/


4条评论

They do say the darnest things: What a to-do about Operation Coldstore他们真是那么天真地说:关于冷藏行动要咋办?

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(注:本篇文章刊登在孔莉莎博士个人博客网址:minimyna.wordpress.com。本篇文章中英文对照如有出入均以英文版最后解释权)

2014年9月29日

 

作者孔莉莎博士

真正 的颜色

Tan Tai Yong是新加坡国立大学南亚研究所的主任。 他目前是副教务长(学生生活)、管委议员说了一句非常贴心的话:—— ‘历史性意识是需要理智正确和真诚的’(摘自2014年9月15日海峡时报:《历史的许多深浅的灰色》(《‘History’s many shades of grey’》)

他是一位历史教授(是第三位获得这个成就的新加坡人),前国大历史系主管。《创造大马:去殖民化和合并的政治》(2008年)的作者。他也是《新加坡:700年历史:从早期皇朝到世界都市》(2009年)的三位作者之一。

教授的重点是于良好的历史将能够使新加坡公民欣赏历史的复杂性没和拒绝有屈服的宣传。

它的目的是与其关注过去的结论不如了解过去的欲望而不是在死板的断定黑白。这是有助于建立国家认同感和归属感。

讲完这句, 他的下一句 进入详细说明他所 认为是1950年的政治骚乱事件真实的报道:

人民行动党敢和左翼斗争能够‘骑上共产主义的老虎’而最终没有被吞食在肚子里。在政治角斗的情况下 一个政治集团 终于把另一个集团治对手打倒了。

这个‘骑上共产主义的老虎’的主要是用来比喻叙述殖民者和行动党的对事件的观点 它的结束不止于冷藏行动 而包括接下来的扣留行动。这是涉及‘共产主义’与‘非共产主义’之间的斗争——正如殖民地的文件把他们称呼为‘右翼’,虽然他们自己喜欢自称是‘温和派’。)

教授的学术严谨和正直的劝告是为历史学者指出了方向。那些在查阅殖民地记录看看实在到底有什么证据说明,左翼是颠覆分子,是涉及通过暴力和引进共产主义的阴谋来推翻政府。

在2014年5月份的教育部推荐历史参考书会上,教授更加清晰的说明自己的历史学家的看法。

陈教授……欢迎历史学者尝试撰写‘修正主义’或‘替代性’的历史观——这些历史学者要打破‘霸权叙述’新加坡的历史——假设这些努力能够导致对新加坡历史的新的的诠释和分析的话。‘但是,假设这一切努力是为了政治上的目的,那么,我们就必须更加谨慎看待这一类的历史。’

这些‘修正主义性’或‘替代性’ 的条件的历史是摘录那些有偏见不健全的历史资料的参考书籍。那是属于带有宣传性质的学术历史——那就是说,宣传代替于学术研究。这种是在展示‘政治意图’引伸出2个问题:这样的水准是否也适用于‘非修正’的历史学术研究;同时, 有没有‘政治意图’是否是一个 适当评估历史学术性的作品的条件。

不管是不是‘修正主义’,一份学术性的历史陈述不是要判断对历史学家的意图或者宣传。在专业历史学者的群体里评估他们的成员的工作室建立在全面的资源和收入的分析的探究复杂的水平上。这些评估工作是来自书评的形式和无数次的引用学术的出版物。假设‘政治意图’覆盖了学者学术研究,那么,专业历史学肯定会把他严肃地批评 即使他们是相同的政治派别。就如说,假设一位历史学者忽略了相关的资料 因为这资料否定他的论据或者‘政治意图’,那他的学术探究就是低级的。

出于同样的原因,学者接受‘替代性’和‘修正主义’的标志根本并不会被授予免除于严厉的学术水准。并不是说 写修正主义’的历史学家就是一个有特别的勇气或者批判性思想是例外的人。事实上, 修正主义’这类的名称是毫无意义的。只有高水平的历史写作和没有水平的历史写作这两者之间的历史作品。这也适用于‘修正主义’历史。历史性学者最大的贡献是强化‘历史的意识’,通过精湛的学术知识把他或她的的社会与过去相关的牵引出来。

不过 ‘替代性历史’或者’修正主义历史’是很适用由前政治拘留者所叙述撰写的。他们绝对否决行动党提出来有关他们领导的事件和冷藏行动的背景情况。他们的历史告诉了我们有关‘伪装反对殖民主义的右翼者’和‘真正的反对殖民主义的社会主义者’

这些作者公开声明他们的政治意图,不仅仅像《新加坡的故事:李光耀回忆录》那样。他们坚持自己是被剥夺了在1963年领导左翼参与大选而被集体逮捕下成了政治拘留者。这场逮捕入狱的行动导致了新加坡出现了政治恐惧感和行动党建立了一个牢不可破的实质上垄断了国会。他们是正面叙述‘新加坡的故事。但是,教授认为,他们是只是使‘新加坡的故事’之内容更加具有吸引人。’

显然主流媒体声称这段历史有着许多灰色的阴影,但是它已经是继续成为一个非重新组成的黑白历史的渠道。这个使用这样的编码撰写的历史已经是一个常见的例子。教授把‘投入了某一种政治意识和结果’。如果他们真是成功的话,将引导新加坡走向不同的道路’这个意见教授视为是‘真实的记录’。在新加坡没有人会假设演讲者的意思的一个‘不同的道路’,将可能会引导新加坡走向更好的方向。

总理在2014年的国庆群众大会的讲话的场合里也提到新加坡第一位总理的话:‘假设行动党在1963年9月的大选没有获胜,新加坡的历史或者已经改写了。冷藏行动是在他命令下而进行的。

越来越令人觉得 莫名其妙

国大李光耀公共政策实践研究所院长吉梭。 马布巴尼也对前政治拘留者和历史学家提出有关冷藏行动的问题提出了看法。宏大‘理想’(2014年4月12日)是在他一系列在海峡时报特约专栏撰写的。协助新加坡走向下一个50年——一个即将庆祝的新加坡建国50周年

这个宏大‘理想’是新加坡的成功是不可置疑的。除开不像美国人一样,那就是缺乏‘一套关于把我们的新加坡同胞的心系在一起’去加强新加坡精神。教授因此表明说,希望能有慈善家肯捐出50万元 作为一本最佳的新加坡历史作品的奖励。

这是令人好奇的是,教授声称已经有足够的资料和历史记录存在足于叙述新加坡怎样达到成功的历史了。

在今年3月份,新加坡反对党工人党领袖在国会询问国家档案有关采取删除机密文件法令,以便政府部门保管超过30年的文件能够让那些为了研究工作的公众人士查阅。

政府回应说,一个好的政府不需要为了透明化而透明化。

缺乏了必备的档案资料 历史学家根本不能够写出一本具有意义的历史书的。

更加令人好奇的是,教授事实上告诉全世界历史学家向他承认说,因为太过敏感了,他们必须谨慎撰写新加坡现代的历史。新加坡现代的历史到底有什么问题会敏感到这个程度?   他们到底害怕什么?

在2014年5月11日,《纽约时报》也揭露了类似的信息。在大学工作的历史学家宣布,已经能够改变了心态。其中一个说明‘禁区’限制……一旦被殖民主义者和过去的殖民地的体系严格的监视。但是,现在没有学生会问她会不会因为害怕被逮捕而不讨论非正统观点的课题。 历史学家在课堂里到底讨论了哪些历史课题 会引起学生们这么关心呢?如何为这样的问题提供答案?

上述的传达信息是在那些坏日子对历史学家所产生的恐惧心态一去不复返了。现在这些‘修正主义历史者’的书籍已经出版了 现在是应该写同有关成功和失败的历史的时候了。就像美国人公开了自己从残酷的黑奴压迫记录中解放出来和撰写了过去错误做法而净化了国家的灵魂。正如电影《 做了12年的奴隶》(12 years a Slave)也净化过去错误的做法国家的灵魂。

就像非洲人美国人的历史和民主权利运动一样,那些被压迫者撰写有关行动党进行的冷藏行动和其他的行动是属于辩护和与争取改变新加坡的事实情况。前政治拘留者撰写了真正的记录纠正了历史,从而要求政府接受承认这些历史事实。那就是显而易见的事实是政府确实是进行严重的政治暴力进程和他们说这个严重的政治暴力进程的受害者。对于这些历史事实,至今尚未有任何的严肃和有实质性的挑战的论点与政府进行挑战。即便是有,那也是间接的回应,造成了对作者的毁谤、或者是琐碎、或者是扭曲了他们的工作的。

要咋办?

新加坡重要的学术界确立了发现自己说了最天真的话说,在主流媒体,包括把大学描绘为思想意识控制学院至今还不是很久的事。那些完全隐藏着恶毒的意图已经被认为是最高命令扭曲和沾污了学院和国家的良好声誉。除非它看来要选择避开有关冷藏行动的处理态度采取了与其继续政治化不如避开这个事件的态度。

‘冷藏行动是基于国家的安全’是人民行动党心中的一种神话,也是它们一直背负的原来的罪恶。

不论是700年的历史或者50年的历史,要把新加坡的历史从旧的史实转为新的史实是不可能的——在不提及承认过去的错误的前提下,要把神的愤怒统治转为神的爱的统治是不可能的。这是一个极其困难实现的转变。这是在唤起全面的社会契约拒绝过去的历史。这必须是建立在一个信任和相互尊重的基础上。看来这样的日子尚未到来。

在对待有关冷藏行动的历史问题上,对于这些学者而言,要保留他们为学者的名誉 而尝试处理这个(历史)的转变 近乎是不可能的。

今天的局面,对于新加坡历史系的学生来说是一个极其精彩的。

尤其是那些在耶鲁——国大学院的学生吧!

They do say the darnest things: What a to-do about Operation Coldstore

(Originally published in minimyna@wordpress.com

September 29, 2014

 

Dr. Hong Lysa

True colours

‘Sound historical consciousness requires intellectual rigour and honesty’ — a very heartening statement by Tan Tai Yong, Nominated Member of Parliament, Vice-Provost (Student Life), director of the Institute of South Asian Studies, (‘History’s many shades of grey’, Straits Times 15 Sept 2014).

He is Professor, Department of History, National University of Singapore, (only the third local Singaporean to achieve this rank in the department’s history) [‘Professor’ is a very high rank in the university.The steps are: assistant professor, associate professor and Professor] of which he was a former Head; author of Creating Greater Malaysia: Decolonisation and the Politics of Merger (2008) and co-author of Singapore: A 700-year history: From Early Emporium to World City (2009).

The Professor underscores that good responsible history will enable Singapore citizens to appreciate complexity without succumbing to propaganda:

It should be motivated by the desire to understand rather than the intention to pass judgment. This can be constructive for building national identity and belonging.

He then promptly proceeds to spell out what he considers as correct insofar as it gives a factual account of the political events of the tumultuous 1950s:

The People’s Action Party took the left wing on and was able to ‘ride the communist tiger’ rather than end up in its stomach. In the political contest that ensued, one group eventually defeated the other.

The ‘riding the communist tiger’ imagery is just about the most hackneyed there is to describe the colonial and the PAP version of events, culminating in, but not stopping at Operation Coldstore. It is about the struggle between ‘the communists’ against ‘the non-communists’—(the ‘rightwing’ as the colonial documents call them, though they prefer to call themselves ‘the moderates’).

The Professor’s injunction on intellectual rigour and honesty as the hallmarks of historical consciousness is directed at historians who have examined the colonial office records for the evidence that the leftwing were subversives, involved in a plot to overthrow the elected government by force and bring in communist rule.

The Professor had spelled out more clearly his attitude to such historians at a Ministry of Education event to introduce the new history textbooks in May 2014:

Prof Tan … welcomed historians’ attempts at writing “revisionist” or “alternate” history – these historians have said they want to break the “hegemonic narrative” of Singapore’s history – if such efforts result in new interpretations and analysis. “But if it is done with political intent”, then I’d say, let’s be more cautious about those approaches.

The term ‘alternative’ or ‘revisionist’ history used in such a context is the code word for biased unsound history, academic history with a political agenda– in other words, propaganda rather than scholarship. This flagging of ‘political intent’ begs two questions: whether such standards apply to academic histories that are ‘non-revisionist’ as well; and the place of ‘political intent’ in assessing the worth of an academic history-writing.

‘Revisionist’ or otherwise, a scholarly presentation is not to be judged by its intention or agenda, if such were present. The community of professional historians evaluates the work of its members based on the level of sophistication of the inquiry, the thoroughness in sources used, and the depth of the analysis. Such evaluations take the form of book reviews, and the number of times the work has been cited in academic publications. If the ‘political intent’ overwhelms the scholarship, then even if one is of the same political persuasion, the assessment has to be that it is an inferior academic inquiry. An example of this is if the historian ignores pertinent documents that do not support his argument or perhaps ‘political intent’.

By the same token, adopting the ‘alternative’ or ‘revisionist’ label by academics does not confer exemption from the rigours of the discipline at all. It does not mean that one is particularly courageous or exceptionally critically-minded. In fact, the term is quite meaningless, for there is only sound history-writing or bad history-writing and the range in between, which applies to ‘revisionist’ history as well. The historian ultimately contributes most to shaping the ‘historical consciousness’, drawing relevance of the past to her or his society through excellence in scholarship.

‘Alternative’ or ‘revisionist history’ however, describes well what former political prisoners have written. They challenge the PAP Story with their account of the events leading to and the circumstance of Operation Coldstore. Their story tells of the struggle between the ‘pseudo-anticolonialist right-wing’ and the ‘genuine socialist anti-colonialists’.

These writers are openly dictated by their political intent, no more than The Singapore Story: The Memoirs of Lee Kuan Yew. They insist that they were made political prisoners in mass arrests which robbed the leftwing of its leadership in the September 1963 elections, and the waves of imprisonment that followed, leading to the politics of fear in Singapore and the unbroken virtual monopoly of parliament by the PAP. Theirs are head-on counter-narratives to The Singapore Story. Yet in the Professor’s reckoning, they merely ‘add texture to make the narrative more interesting’.

The mainstream media has been the conduit for what remains an unreconstituted black and white history, while claiming that it has many shades of grey. The code used in such writing is a familiar one. The Professor considers as ‘factual account’ the statement that ‘the leftwing was committed to a political ideology and outcome that, if they had come to pass, would have taken Singapore down a very different road.’ No one in Singapore would assume that the speaker might mean a ‘different road’ which could have led to an even better Singapore.

In his 2014 National Day Rally speech, the Prime Minister also had occasion to quote the first man to hold the office, whose government was responsible for Operation Coldstore: ‘Had the PAP lost in September 1963, the history of Singapore would have been different.’

Curiousier and curiouser

Kishore Mahbubani, Dean and Professor in the Practice of Public Policy of the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy at the National University of Singapore, has also addressed the issue of the questions raised about Operation Coldstore by the former political detainees and by historians. Big ‘Idea number 3’ (12 April 2014) is in his series of essays penned at the invitation of the Straits Times, to help Singapore succeed in the next fifty years– a lead-up to Sg 50, celebrating fifty years of nationhood.

This Big Idea is that Singapore’s success has been incredible, except that unlike the Americans, there is an absence of ‘sets of stories that will bind our hearts together as fellow Singaporeans’ to strengthen the Singapore Spirit. The Professor hence evinced the hope that philanthropists would award a $500,000 prize for the best history book written on Singapore.

It is curious that The Professor has asserted that there are more than enough materials and historical records available to document historically Singapore’s narrative of success.

In March, the Opposition Workers Party leader had asked in Parliament for the National Archives to adopt the Declassification Act by which the documents generated by government ministries among others would be available to the public for research purposes after thirty years.

The government’s reply was that transparency for transparency’s sake does not necessarily make for good governance.

Without the availability of archival documents, the requisite history books cannot be written meaningfully.

It is even more curious that the Professor actually tells the world that historians confess to him that they are chary of writing post-Singapore history as it is too sensitive. Just what is the sensitivity over? What exactly do they fear?

A similar revelation was made in the New York Times (11 May 2014). Historians at the university announce that there has been a change of mindset. One states that ‘out of bounds’ limits …once were rigorously policed by colonial and post-colonial institutions, but no student now would ask her if she feared arrest for discussing heterodox views. What did the historian discuss in class that would elicit such concern by students? What was the reply given?

Whatever the case may be, the message is that those bad old days of being scared to write is over; it is time to celebrate openness. Now that the ‘revisionist’ books have been published, it is time for a history book that tells the story of successes and failures together, just as the Americans liberated itself from the atrocious record of slavery, and cleansed the national soul of past wrongdoings by writing about it openly. Movies like 12 years a Slave also help cleanse the national soul of past wrong-doings, says The Professor.

Like African American history and the civil rights movement, writing of Coldstore and other operations is part of a larger justification and fight for change to the status quo on the part of those who were suppressed. The former political detainees write to set the record straight, and thereby demand admission by the government that it did gross violence to the political process and to its victims. There has not been any serious and substantive challenge to their contention, only indirect responses that cast aspersions on the writers, or that trivialize or misrepresent their work.

What to do?

The leading lights of Singapore’s intellectual establishment found themselves saying the darnest things in the mainstream media, including painting the university as a thought-controlled institution till not so long ago. This would have been considered travesty of the highest order to besmirch the good name of the institution and the country, uttered only by those harbouring malevolent intent, except that it seems to be the way chosen to stave off having to deal with Operation Coldstore in an open manner, having to historicise the event rather than to continue to politicise it.

That Operation Coldstore was necessary for national security is at the very heart of the PAP myth; it is also the Party’s original sin.

It is not possible to change Singapore history, from the old testament to the new testament whether it is seen as 700 years or 50 years long–from the rule of the god of wrath to the god of love without first admitting to that sin. It is a difficult transition to make; it calls for an entirely new social compact which repudiates the old. It needs to be built on trust and mutual respect. But it seems that the day has not yet arrived.

The handlers of Operation Coldstore in history try to manage the transition, which seems nigh impossible for them to do as scholars.

It is a particularly exciting time to be a student of history in Singapore today.

Especially those in the Yale-NUS College, it would seem.

 


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(中英文对照)Lim Chin Siong was wrongfully detained林清祥被拘留是错误的!

 (附件:林清祥在当天演讲稿(中文翻译稿及英国政治部档案原件))

 作者:覃炳鑫博士  Dr. Thum Ping Tjin

Lim Chin Siong co-founded the People’s Action Party (PAP) in 1954 with Lee Kuan Yew. His intellect, leadership, and legendary oratory skills enabled him to organise the trade union movement and provide the organisational base for the PAP. He effectively championed the cause of the unemployed and the exploited workers of Singapore, and was wildly popular, winning the Bukit Timah constituency in the 1955 elections with an outright majority at the young age of 22. David Marshall recalled that Lee Kuan Yew introduced Lim Chin Siong to him as the person who would be Singapore’s next leader.

However, his promising political career was destroyed when he detained without trial by Lim Yew Hock’s government from 1956 to 1959, then again by Lee Kuan Yew’s government from 1963 to 1969.

For over five decades, the official government narrative of Singapore’s history has justified Lim Chin Siong’s detention by asserting that he was a communist who advocated violence and subversion.

One of the most concrete charges made against Lim Chin Siong was that he allegedly instigated riots on 25 and 26 October 1956. At a PAP-organised rally at Beauty World on 25 October to protest the government arrests of Chinese middle school students and civil society leaders, Lim supposedly worked up the restless crowd by urging them to “pah mata!” (beat the police). For this, he was arrested and detained without trial on 27 October. In the Legislative Assembly, then-Minister for Education Chew Swee Kee said:

 “It is significant to note that the Member for Bukit Timah (Lim Chin Siong) at that meeting said that instead of shouting ‘Merdeka’ the people should now shout, ‘Pah Mata’, which means ‘Beat the Police’. Is there any doubt whatsoever as to who sparked off the riots?”

Chew alleged that the crowd then drifted down Bukit Timah Road and clashed with police outside Chinese High School, sparking off the riot. This specific charge has since been repeated as fact.

Lim denied the charge all his life. The final occasion where he was recorded making such a denial was in the interview that he gave to Melanie Chew, published in her Leaders of Singapore (1996). Lim Chin Siong died in February of that year.

However, the question of whether Lim Chin Siong had indeed provoked the crowds to beat up the police can finally be settled conclusively. A transcript of Lim’s speech, recorded and translated into English by the Singapore Police, has been unearthed in the National Archives of the UK. Far from urging violence, Lim used humour to defuse the tension in the audience, and reminded them that the police were also employees and did not deserve their anger.

Background: State-sanctioned violence and repression in Singapore

After the Malayan Emergency was declared in 1948, Singapore was turned into a virtual police state where most forms of legitimate political activity were banned, where people could be searched, detained, and tortured for no reason, and the state routinely used repression and violence as tools of governance.

Preparing for decolonisation, in 1955 the British introduced a constitution which gave Singapore partial self-government. The new Chief Minister, David Marshall, revoked the Emergency Regulations and replaced them with the new but similar Preservation of Public Security Ordinance (PPSO). However, Marshall strove to ensure that the Ordinance was applied fairly.

When some labour activists were arrested in June 1955, the labour unions erupted in protests. Marshall pledged they would be brought to trial or released as soon as possible, and he was as good as his word. All but one was soon released. The last was tried in open court and found guilty of possessing proscribed documents.

This was a massive change from the previous eight years. Freed from fear of arbitrary violence and arrest, civil society activity took off, and Singapore politics became dynamic and vibrant. This alarmed the British. Since they had great difficulty finding evidence that the anti-colonial activities were illegal, they assumed anything which opposed them was subversive.

Marshall resigned in June 1956, when the British rejected his demand for complete internal self-government. Lim Yew Hock, who succeeded him as Chief Minister, was less principled. The British also put pressure on Lim Yew Hock, telling him that if he wanted progress on Singapore’s independence, he had to bring Singapore’s civil society under control.

The October 1956 riots

Lim Yew Hock and Special Branch formulated plans to dissolve various organisations which had been very active in anti-colonial activity. On 18 September 1956, the Chief Minister used the PPSO to dissolve several organisations and detained seven people, mostly from Chinese middle schools. This was greeted with massive public anger as a step backward from the freedoms enjoyed under Marshall, and an attack on the freedom of the people of Singapore. To the shock of Lim and the British, public anger was so strong that a Civil Rights Convention was quickly formed, bringing together not only a broad swath of organisations that transcended ideology, class, and ethnicity. Left and right-wing groups, Malay, Chinese, and Indian organisations, and white and blue collar trade unions all came together. Inadvertently, Lim Yew Hock was on the verge of creating a genuinely multiracial anti-colonial national front with himself as the common enemy.

To nip this in the bud, Lim sanctioned more and more rounds of arrests. Public anger mounted. By late October 1956, Singapore was a simmering cauldron of anger.

Meanwhile, the opposition PAP had been holding meetings to protest the detentions. At a meeting on 25 October 1956, at which Lee Kuan Yew, Toh Chin Chye and Devan Nair were present, Lim Chin Siong gave the speech as shown in the transcripts attached below. He reminded the audience that their target was Lim Yew Hock and the colonial masters of Singapore, not the police, who were only employees. The official transcript made by the police recorded:

 “With regard to police… they are all wage-earners and they are all here to attend this meeting to oppose Lim Yew Hock. (Loudest cheers of the meeting so far) We gladly welcome them, and the more of them that attend will make us even stronger. (crowd cheers wildly) A lot of people don’t want to shout Merdeka! They want to shout “pah mata”. This is wrong. We want to ask them to cooperate with us because they are also wage-earners and so that in the time of crisis they will take their guns and run away. (Laughter and cheers).”

 However, public anger was too strong. That same night, police and protestors clashed outside Chinese High School, and a riot broke out. It raged into the early morning. That morning, the police launched tear gas into Chinese High and Chung Cheng High Schools to clear out student protestors conducting a sit-in, and riots broke out again. This continued through the day.

Detention without trial

Lim Chin Siong was detained on 27 October. His speech formed a major part of the government’s explanation for the detention. In a cabinet meeting, the Council of Ministers resolved to bring Lim Chin Siong to trial if sufficient evidence could be found to convict him. However, he was never brought to trial, which suggests that Lim was innocent of the charges.

When Chew Swee Kee made his allegation in the Legislative Assembly, Lee Kuan Yew did not refute it. Subsequent accounts of the events, including John Drysdale’s Singapore: Struggle For Success; and Dennis Bloodworth’s The Tiger and the Trojan Horse, and most recently, Men in White by Sonny Yap, Richard Lim, and Leong Weng Kam (2009) all include the assertion that Lim’s speech incited the audience to violence.

The text of Lim’s speech has been unearthed from the Singapore Special Branch files recently declassified by the National Archives of the UK. We now know that the government deliberately misrepresented Lim Chin Siong’s speech. The Special Branch files show that Lim was framed. After the PAP came into power, it did not provide the opportunity for Lim to clear his name either.

Likewise, recent academic work (see here) has also proven that Lim’s later arrest and detention in 1963 was politically motivated. The Singapore government has never had any evidence that Lim was part of a communist conspiracy. Nor has any evidence been produced for hundreds of other political detainees who were detained under the PPSO and its successor, the Internal Security Act. Declassified Special Branch files reveal that they were merely engaged in legitimate political activities to bring freedom and independence to Singapore. Most were arrested simply because Special Branch was unable to tell the difference between peaceful constitutional anti-colonial struggle and communist subversion. In November 1956 alone, 163 people were preventatively detained – in other words, there was no evidence against them, but they were arrested just in case they were communist.

It remains an open question if any of the detentions over the last sixty years were justified. The Internal Security Act remains in operation today. To ensure that this Act has been used appropriately and responsibly, an open Commission of Inquiry into the detentions of Singapore’s political detainees is needed to set the facts straight once and for all. Only by learning the truth of our own collective past can we learn and grow as a nation.

林清祥演讲稿001     林清祥演讲稿002

林清祥演讲稿003    林清祥演讲稿004  林清祥演讲稿005


   林清祥被拘留是错误的!

林清祥和李光耀同时是新加坡人民行动党共同的发起人。他的才智、领导能力和传奇性的演讲技术是他能够组织职工会运动和提供了组织行动党的基础。他有效的支持新加坡的失业和被剥削的工人。他在22岁参于1955年的新加坡立法议会选举,并在武吉知马选区获得了广泛的支持成为最年轻的议员。马绍尔回顾当年李光耀介绍林清祥给他认识时说,这个人将会成为新加坡的另一个领袖。

无论如何,他那闪亮的政治事业前途在1956年到1959年被林有福政府和接下来在1963年到1969年被李光耀政府拘留所摧毁了。

在过去50年来,政府在官方叙述新加坡历史始终断定林清祥是一个一直鼓吹暴力和颠覆活动的共产党员以确定扣留林清祥的正当性。

对林清祥最严重的一项指责是他在1956年10月25日和26日煽动暴动。这是指他在1956年10月25日一个由行动党主办,在美世界举行的抗议(林有福)政府逮捕华校生和公民社会领袖集会上的演讲。他被指责使用‘打警察’(福建话:”pah mata!”)的语言鼓动愤怒的群众,造成1956年10月25日和26日的暴动。他就是在这个理由在1956年10月27日不经审讯下被捕。在立法议会上,当时的教育部长周瑞琪说:

“值得注意的是武吉知马区议员(林清祥)在那个集会上本应该高呼‘默地卡’”Merdeka”,马来语,即‘独立’的意思),他却高喊‘打警察’(福建话:”pah mata!”)。难道还要质疑他不是鼓动暴动吗?”

周瑞琪指责说,

“人群从武吉知马(7英里)涌向华侨中学(即武吉知马3英里),与在华侨中学外面的警察爆发冲突。”这样的刻意指责林清祥的罪证一直被当成事实不断的被重覆提出来。

林清祥自始至终断然否认这样的指责。他与 “Leaders of Singapore”(《新加坡领袖》) 一书的作者 Melanie Chew 进行最后一次的公开场合录音访谈时,他还是否认这样的指责。”Leaders of Singapore”(1996)的作者 Melanie Chew 在她的书中记录了这次访谈的内容。林清祥于1996年2月逝世。

到底林清祥是否真的有鼓动群众去打警察呢?无论如何,这个问题最后的结论终于水落石出了。一份记录林清祥(当时)演讲的记录文件在大英国家档案馆里揭开了这桩历史事件。这份演讲记录文件是由当时新加坡警察部队翻译成英文收藏在大英国家档案馆。文件证明,林不但没有鼓动暴力,反而是用风趣的语言以缓和当时在场群众的情绪。他告诉在场的群众,警察也是受薪阶层,不要把不满迁怒在警察身上。

 背景:新加坡国家制裁暴力和镇压

 在1948年马来亚宣布实施紧急法令后,新加坡实质上已经进入了警察国家。大部分的合法政治活动已经被禁止。在没有任何理由下许多人被搜查、扣留和迫害。使用镇压和暴力作为国家的一个统治工具。

为脱离英国殖民地而独立作准备,在1955年英国引进了一套让新加坡部份自治的宪法。新的首席部长大卫‧马绍尔,废除了紧急法令并以维护公共安全法令(PPSO)取而代之。当时,马绍尔强调,保证公平执行这条法令。

在1955年6月,当工运活动分子被捕时,工会爆发了抗议行动。马绍尔保证把这些被捕者提送法院起诉或尽快的释放他们。他确实是做到了。除了一位被捕者外,其余的被捕者都被释放了。最后那位被捕者在法院被公开起诉。他被起诉拥有被禁止的文件。

在过去8年出现了巨大的变化。人民已经不再恐惧肆意的暴力和逮捕、公民社会活动已经开始活跃起来。新加坡的政治开始有活力和充满生气。这使英国人感到惊慌。由于他们穷于找到证据以证明当时反对殖民地活动是非法的,他们只得假设任何反对活动都是属于颠覆性的。

当英国人拒绝他的要求完全内部自治政府时,马绍尔在1956年6月提出辞职。接替马绍尔职位成为首席部长的林有福,更加没有原则。英国人同样的对林有福施加压力。他们告诉林有福,如果他想要在新加坡独立谈判的问题上取得进展,他必须有效地控制新加坡的公民活动。

1956年10月的暴动

林有福和政治部制定了一套计划,解散各个积极反殖民地活动的团体。在1956年9月18日,首席部长引用维护公共安全法令(PPSO)解散了数个团体,并拘留了7个人。他们大多数是来自华校的中学生。林有福的这个行动引起了人们广泛的不满与愤怒!因为这与人们在马绍尔时期享有的自由相比是一种退步,同时是在侵犯人民的自由权利。公众强烈的愤怒与不满震撼了林有福和英国人!为此,他们迅速制定了一份公民权利公约(Civil Rights Convention)。这份公约的出现让广泛有组织的团体走在一起,超越了意识形态、阶级、族群。左翼和右翼集团,马来族、华族、印度族的组织和白领与蓝领的工会全部团结起来。林有福最终成了一个真正的多元种族、反对殖民地统治的统一战线的共同敌人。

林有福为了把这场政治运动处于萌芽时期就把它镇压下来,他发动了越来越多的逮捕行动。人民不满的怒火也越来越旺。在1956年10月,新加坡已经成为充满怒气的大气压锅!

在这段期间,反对党人民行动党举行了许多抗议逮捕行动的集会。在1956年10月25日举行的集会,李光耀、杜进才和帝凡那都出席了这个集会。林清祥在大会上发表了演说。这份演说讲稿就附在本文章里。他提醒了参与集会的群众,大家的目标是林有福以及殖民主义者,不是警察。警察只是受薪阶层。当时在场警方人员记录了这段讲话。

关于警方人员……他们都是受薪者。他们都是来这儿出席会议反对林有福的。(这是会议进行以来最长时间的欢呼声)我们热烈欢迎他们!他们越多人出席这个集会将会展现我们更加强大。(群众笑声四起)很多人不要高呼‘默的卡’!他们要高喊‘打警察’!这是错误的。我们需要他们与我们合作,因为他们也是受薪者。这样,在冲突发生时,他们会拿着枪跑掉。(欢笑鼓掌声)

无论如何。群众的愤怒情绪已经达到极点。在同一天晚上,警方与抗议群众在华侨中学校门外爆发冲突,接着在清晨演变成暴动。在那天早晨,警方向在华侨中学和中正中学发射了催泪弹以驱散在学校集中静坐抗议的学生!暴动又再一次爆发,并持续了一整天。

 不经审讯的扣留

 林清祥在当年的10月27日被捕了。他在26日的演讲成了当局逮捕他的理由的一部分。在内阁部长会议上,部长会议决定,假设可以找到充足的证据足于证明林清祥有罪,那就把林清祥提送法院起诉。无论如何,林清祥是无辜的,因为他始终没有被公开起诉。

当(教育部长)周瑞琪在立法议会提出对林清祥的指控时,李光耀并没有提出反驳。就是在这样的情况下,这事件(指林清祥说;‘打警察’)的结论就一直流传下来。这包括了后来的 John Drysdale 的 “Singapore: Struggle For Success”(《新加坡:为成功而斗争》);和 Dennis Bloodworth 的 “The Tiger and the Trojan Horse”(《老虎和木马》),和最近由叶添博、林耀辉和梁荣锦撰写的:《白衣人》(2009),都给林清祥在当时的讲话定了调!——鼓动集会群众采取暴力。

新加坡政治部的这份有关林清祥的演讲稿的资料最近已经被英国档案馆列为解密文件。我们现在知道了新加坡政府故意歪曲林清祥的讲话。新加坡政治部的档案说明了林清祥是被陷害的。在人民行动党取得政权后,他们并没有让林清祥在这件事件上获得平反。

同样的。最近学术研究者(请看这)也已经证明在1963年逮捕林清祥纯粹是一项政治动机。新加坡政府根本就没有任何证据证明林清祥与共产党有任何的同谋。同样的,也没有任何证据证明那数百名在维护公共安全法令和内部安全法令下被捕的政治拘留者及其后继者与共产党阴谋有关。

政治部的解密资料已经揭露了他们就是纯粹从事于合法与争取新加坡的自由和独立的政治活动。由于政治部无法区分和平宪法反对殖民主义的斗争与共产党的颠覆活动之间的差别。在1956年11月有163人在防止法令下被捕。这就是说,这些被捕者都是没有确凿证据的。他们的被捕只是以防万一他们是共产党。

时至今日,这仍然是一个公开的问题。60年前被逮捕的政治拘留者是否是正当的。内部安全法令至今还在执行着。为了确保这条法令是被适当和负责任的被引用,设立一个调查新加坡政治拘留者公开的听证会是必需的。这可以一劳永逸的说明事实。我们只有从学习到过去这个历史真相,我们才有可能共同成长为一个国家。

附件:

1954年10月25日新加坡人民行动党在新加坡武吉知马7英里美世界举办的一个集会上林清祥以福建话发言的演讲稿。(林清祥演讲实况录音来自英国档案馆大揭秘资料处.)(本文为中文翻译件。如本文与英文原件之间的文字或词句表达有不同之处,均以英文原件作为最终解释权。特此说明。)

现场记录全文如下:

(当大会司仪宣布林清祥是接下来的演讲者时,现场发出了热烈的掌声)

  1. 亲爱的叔叔们、阿姨们、兄弟姐妹们,从9月18日到今天超过20人已经在新加坡被捕和7个团体已经被解散。在9月18日有6个人被逮捕,其中一个被捕者是林振国。他是农民协会主席,各业工友联合会主席和马来亚黄梨工友联合会主席。另一个被捕者是陈玉兴。她是妇女联合会执委。还有一个被捕者是陈蒙鹤,她是妇女联合会主席。中正中学2位教师也同时被捕。另一个被捕者是陈广风,他在裕廊教书,也是教师联谊会主席。被捕人数一共是7个人,包括了上述6位被捕者和一位学生。前6位是在‘驱逐法令’下被捕等待被驱逐出境。中学生是在‘公安法令’下被捕。

在当天晚上有2个团体被解散,一个是妇女联合会、另一个是铜锣音乐会。这是什么理由?一个月已经过去了,林有福政府没有告诉我们。被解散的团体是触犯了那些条例?没有提出任何确凿的证据。逮捕行动后人民举行抗议集会,派了代表团去会见他并要求他解释这些人被捕的原因。他无法提供任何理由,只是说这是为了人民的利益。但是,大家都要知道林振国犯了什么罪!他在4岁时就离开中国到马来亚,今年41岁。在8岁时他就在黄梨厂工作。他在黄梨厂当了30年的工人。我相信很多兄弟姐妹们都认识他。他所做的一切就是在农民协会 为工会和工人服务。他并没有受过教育,他是文盲。他说话也不流利。他犯什么法?他并没有偷窃任何的鸡只!他也没有触犯任何抢劫行为。他也没持有任何枪械去伤害任何人!但是政府在没有任何理由下逮捕他并要把他驱逐出境!

  1. 另外一位被捕者是陈玉兴。她也将被驱逐出境。她是妇女联合会执委。她是在中国出世的。她出世后8个月还不会说话时,她母亲就把她从中国带到马来亚并住在新加坡至今。她现在是24岁。她妈妈是一位勤劳的小贩。她辛苦的赚取生计抚养她成长。她努力读书取得了文凭,并在20岁时成为一位教师。她也在妇女联合会工作过一段时间。就因为这个原因他们要驱逐她出境。现在她的母亲没有人照顾了。她到底犯了什么罪?政府无法说出来!

陈广风,大家都知道他只是对教书有兴趣吧了。他做了些什么事?他所作的事就是告诉政府不要压制华文教育。他就是在这个理由下被捕的。

妇女联合会主席到底做错了什么?她只是告诉政府今天新加坡有许多脱衣舞女郎,造成了许多年轻人每天都去观看脱衣舞表演。她告诉政府必须取缔禁止这些表演,否则将对青年人产生不良的影响。就是这个原因她被捕了。除此之外,没别的原因。妇女联合会也被政府禁掉了。这个组织到底触犯了什么条例?没有证据。

  1. 政府发动了逮捕和驱逐行动后,在9月18日说,‘政府是非常民主的’!他们所做的一切都是为了新加坡人民的利益!这些被捕者如果愿意的话,他们可以提出上诉。但是,大家都知道上诉是否能够取得成功?不会成功的。因为当我们提出上诉时,他们说这是不被允许的。什么理由?没有理由。我们反对驱逐,他们说不可以。9月18日的事件尚未解决时,在9月19日局势又发生变化。在9月24日,政府解散新加坡华校中学生联合会.学生会的负者人到底是在干什么?他们告诉学生们,学生来学校上课的目的就是读书——就是‘学习’!这样他们长大后就可以成为父母的财富。这样政府也不允许。就将他们给逮捕了。他们说读书和‘学习’是共产主义。因为在中国,共产党员的实践就是‘学习’。这是不是说,假如共产党吃米饭咱们就不可以吃米饭?这是不合理的。——这一切就是压迫!但是,当我们反对时,政府却不理会。

他们变本加厉,他们不仅解散了学生会,还逮捕了学生。当学生们手臂缠着黑布条时他们又不允许。他们一方面说自己是民主的,假设学生不同意的话可以抗议。当我们抗议时他们却不允许。当学生们手臂缠着黑布条时,他们也不同意并要逮捕学生。学生们要举行集会进行抗议时,他们说不可以。在9月30日,他们逮捕了中学联主席孙罗文。同时,他们也逮捕了我们的一位中央委员谢弈田。这些逮捕行动都是没有任何理由和证据的。

整个局势并没有改变,问题也没有解决。

在10月8日发生了突变事件。在8日晚上学生们举行集会。在10月9日,他们召见各校董事部委员,强迫董事部开除142名学生。他们说假设董事部委员会不按照他们的要求开除学生,他们将开始行动。

就在那天晚上,4位学生被捕。在这样的情况下,中正中学和华侨中学的学生们别无选择,只好进行集中。他们至今已经集中了15天。在这段期间,人民举行各种抗议行动。这一切抗议行动都是和平和合理的。他们并没有采取压制性的形式。我们没有拿起武器、石块。我们仅仅要求的就是要政府告诉我们逮捕学生们的理由,提出学生们犯罪的证据。他们并没有犯偷窃、他们并没有偷窃鸡只。假设政府有证据,那我们无话可说。但是,政府并没有提出任何证据。他们的回应就是继续迫害。

今天他们继续迫害我们。

昨晚,政府又逮捕了4位人士。其中一位是裕廊洛阳学校的校长。他也是小学教师联谊会的副主席。另外一位是铜锣音乐会的执委。还有一位是“时代报”的编辑。还有其他许多人被捕,我无法记住他们的名字。

  1. 他们也解散了4个团体——其中一个是‘家长联谊会’。其他的团体是:艺术团体,小学教师联谊会和中正中学校友会。与此同时,昨天晚上他们颁布了一道命令,要在中正中学和华侨中学集中的学生必须在晚间8时前解散,否则,他们将开始使用武力驱散。你们大家都知道,在昨天晚上警方已经在中正中学和华侨中学门口外驻扎。

在当前的局势下,已经有许多警察到了那里、水喉管柱也已经送到哪儿。他们将使用强力水管柱对付学生们。假设学生们不在晚上8点前解散,他们将使用武力。

使用武力去迫害学生们!学生们到底犯了什么罪?政府完全无法提供任何理由来说明他们采取的行动。为什么林有福政府要采取这样的行动?大家知道,这是最无理的和最暴虐的迫害。林有福今天的这种行为已经说明他是英国人(红毛人ANG MOH LANG)的走狗。

他说,他要独立、自由和民主!他是否理解人民所要的真正独立?人民要求的是赶走英国人!但是,林有福并没有研究如何赶走英国人!他没有找出人民真正的要求!在没有人民的支持下他如何赶走英国人?他不是在人民的支持下与其他政党一道反对英国殖民者,他却去寻求英国人的支持!

几个月前。他说,各政党联席会议,其实这全是虚假的。在他从伦敦回来后他并没有急着和所有政党商讨如何与英国殖民者进行斗争!他也没有询问人民如何一道与英国殖民者进行斗争!反过来,他去寻求英国殖民者的援助来对付人民!

9月18日到现在,已经超过一个月了!他所做的就是逮捕人民、解散团体,镇压再镇压。这一切已经清楚说明了他已经被英国殖民者所收买了!他为什么不要协助人民呢?那是因为他并没有把人民的利益放在心坎里。

林有福早期的历史是什么?

林有福早期是在劳工部。他鼓励工人罢工,但是在背后却接受雇主的金钱。他镇压工人!他逮捕工人!现在他已经成为首席部长了!他仍然使用同一伎俩!他清楚知道,即使他是首席部长,他也不会得到人民的支持!自从他当上首席部长他啥事都没干!他所做的就是给自己买了一部新。对于人民,他啥事都没做!所以,现在他恐惧未来人民不会为他效劳。他知道,再过两年将再举行另一次的普选,他将不可能再成为首席部长,所以他现在只能求助于英国殖民者,并使用英国殖民者赋予的权力去镇压进步团体!这样,当普选来临时他将没有竞争对手!没有人将会出来参与普选反对他!因为他认为这是他唯一的目标——他个人的利益!——那就是想着那区区的一个月几千元的薪金!——他已经和英国殖民者联手镇压人民了!他已经完全忘记了人民!

亲爱的朋友们,我们必须坚定不移!我们不必对高压水柱感到恐惧!这是毫无意义的!林有福现在只是在为自己着想!由于他一心想要当上首席部长他必然要寻求英国殖民者的支持。我们已经知道,因为在他寻求英国殖民者的支持下,英国殖民者已经和他达致协议。

  1. 英国殖民者一定告诉他,马绍尔已经失败了!如果他想要成功那就一定要解散所有进步团体和逮捕所有的华人!如果他这么做,他们将会给予他一点小好处。

在一个月内,他发动了逮捕行动后就去英国。英国人与他密谋给予他获得独立或者确定在明年或后年独立的日期。因此,大家都在谈论有关独立的问题而忘记了那些被捕者。大家将会认为他是一个非常能干的人。这样人们就会认为他的逮捕行动不是一个错误的行动。这样一来,人民都会同意他将会从英国殖民者哪儿取得独立。这样大家都会同意,当普选到来时他不但可以担任首席部长。而且可以把他当成是勇士。或者,他的薪金将从4000元提升到6000元。

这就是为什么林有福现在遵照英国殖民者的指示去执行任务。

我们今天可以清楚的看到他利用英国殖民者赋予的权力去镇压人民!我们可以看到整个问题将不会有任何改变了!他将不会改变他的政策!他将继续采取镇压手段。他已经忘记了人民。他所做的就是要满足英国殖民者的要求。

人民将会如何想?人民将会这么想:现在进行抗议有用吗?——答案是:没用!尽管我们继续抗议,但是,他将继续镇压。他继续发动逮捕和解散行动。自从昨晚,他已经逮捕了4个人和解散了4个团体。今晚他将殴打学生。所以,我们举行抗议有用吗?

但是,各位,今天我们不应想象林有福是非常强大的!是的。他拥有权力,但是,这种权力不会是永久的。他是依靠警察、军队、机关枪、飞机和监牢。这一切都不要紧!——他能够依赖这些东西多久?他能够维持多久?让他现在继续逮捕行动!让他继续驱逐!让他继续解散工会!他这样又能够持续多久?

这是不是第一次发生在马来亚的事?不是!在10年前英国殖民者已经做过这样的事了!在1948年,英国殖民者已经做过同样的事情!实际上是比这还要严重!

在1948年6月20日天亮前,英国人解散了所有的工会!在全马逮捕了超过1万人。但是,从1948年到1954年,近8年的时间,人民发动了一次又一次的反抗,最终英国殖民者静悄悄的让我们享有民选政府选举权力。

假设英国人是无能的,林有福又能够帮忙英国人做什么?现在他有警察可以依靠、他有军队可以依靠、他有监牢可以依靠——但是,在新加坡有多少监牢?他们可以逮捕多少人?障宜监牢最多只能关500多人;中央警察局或‘四排坡’——500人;圣约翰岛(ST。ISLAND)——500人。将会有超过1万人,他还可以关进去的地方。他还可以再逮捕多少人?(鼓掌)因此,他是无法镇压我们人民的。假设他逮捕1个人,将会有100人代替他。假设他逮捕100人,将会有1000人代替他们!他不可能逮捕全部的人。他的政权能够维持多久?我们就说是10年吧!但是,他不可能占据在这个权力位置上10年!我们根本就不知道他是否可能住在这儿。(鼓掌)

在当前的环境下,没有民主,所以,人民高喊要民主。为此,需要一场普选,不管发生什么情况,到了1959年必须举行大选。为此,让他在1959年的大选时取得胜利,——让他再担任首席部长4年或6年。在这6年过后,他还有机会继续留在首席部长的职位上吗?没有机会了!所以,最终是把他打倒!这是非常清楚的。

让他继续掌权多6年,让每个人都关进监牢!但是,他们将会继续‘学习’!他们将会更加有力量的反对他!(鼓掌)因此,逮捕是没有作用的!驱逐——他可以驱逐多少人?大多数人是本地出生的。他如何驱逐他们?他能做的是:把他们从大坡驱逐到小坡。(笑声)不管他如何驱逐这些人,他们最终还是被驱逐在新加坡。(更多的笑声)这是没用的!

他依靠警察,依靠英国人,但是他能够依靠英国人多久?

在第二次世界大战前,英国人是强大的!大家看到英国人,‘敬礼 先生’然后鞠躬.但是,现在当他们看到英国人,他们就不断的吐口水(鼓掌——欢呼)(群众情绪高昂)今天,英国人在马来亚是一条狗。但是,这不只是在马来亚——在其他国家也是一样!例如在埃及,他们被埃及人民打得夹着尾巴下台。(群众继续欢呼)在印度,英国人被印度人民赶走。在塞普鲁斯,赛普鲁斯人民反对他们,他们什么也做不了!在非洲,非洲人民起来反对他们,他们也是什么是都做不了!在英国国内,英国工人也起来反对他们!所以,林有福可以依靠英国人多久?

那些依靠英国人和美国人的人最终将会沉入大海!

蒋介石在中国的时候拥有千万的军队。他拥有美国人的机关枪和大炮。他获得美国人的支持去镇压中国人民。现在他不得不静悄悄的跑到台湾去。

林有福现在与英国人和美国人在一块儿又能够做些什么?林有福和蒋介石根本就无法相比!林有福根本就比不上蒋介石的一根毛!(群众欢呼)所以,林有福可以依靠英国人多久?当英国人跑了,林有福要去哪儿?

在新加坡可没有一个台湾岛——他唯一能够逃离躲避的地方就是大海!(群众欢呼)

关于警方人员。他们是警察兄弟、警探兄弟(暗探)和警长。他们都是受薪者。他们都是来这儿出席会议反对林有福的。(这是会议进以来最长时间的欢呼声)我们热烈欢迎他们!他们越多人出席这个集会将会是我们展现更加强大的力量。(群众笑声四起)

很多人不要高呼‘默的卡’!他们要高喊‘打警察’!这是错误的。我们需要他们与我们合作,因为他们也是受薪者。这样,在冲突发生时,他们会拿着枪跑掉。(欢笑鼓掌声)

所以,林有福不依靠群众反而要依靠立法议会里的人。但是,出席立法议会的人不超过10个人。他们都是部长。他们可以集合在一块儿,但是,一旦他们无法取得部长职位时他们就会内部起哄!他们是在偷窃、逮捕和敛财, 如果他们不把这些钱拿出来平分,可以肯定将出现内斗!

例如马绍尔的事件。

他们现在要强迫马绍尔支持政府,但是,马绍尔说他需要考虑。现在,他们在一起集会可以合作,但是,一旦吵架他们的集会就失败了!现在,金钱是背后最大的力量!每个人都感到害怕!

我们不需要害怕林有福。他不会太久了。让他来对付我们、逮捕我们、驱逐我们!这已经不是第一次了!同样的事情已经在马来亚发生了!那是在1948年发生的。日本人侵略时情况更加恶劣!很多兄弟姐妹被日本人屠杀!但是,现在日本人去哪儿了?日本人已经静悄悄的溜回他们自己的国家了!

所以,压迫人民的人是不会长久的!所以,我们不应该因为他们的行动而感到害怕!假设你感到害怕。你将会是错误的!我们必须团结在一起!我们要告诉林有福政府,我们要独立!独立并不意味着对付人民!独立就是要你去和英国人进行斗争并把他们赶出这里!(群众高声欢呼)假如林有福要继续镇压人民,我们会告诉他,人民会把它和英国人一块儿赶走!(群众大声欢呼)

在此,我们警告林有福政府,今天他已经成为英国人的走狗了!尽管他承诺要取消紧急法令等等,但是,这些都是空话,他没有兑现承诺!所以,他已经没有资格代表人民了!这就是说,这个政府已经完蛋了!这个政府已经死亡了!我们要他立即解散政府!假设他说,自己不是英国人的走狗,那么,他就重新举行选举,看看人民支持他吗?(群众欢呼)我们要警告他,假设他使用武力对付学生,我们新加坡人民将不会袖手旁观!

  1. 在此,我呼吁兄弟姐妹们,我们必须尽快团结起来!

在今晚将可能发生一些事情!

兄弟姐妹们,假如我们的孩子被袭击,我们将不会袖手旁观!所以我们必须团结起来,密切监视政府的行动!

兄弟姐妹们,叔叔阿姨们,不要悲痛!我们必须去告诉我们的邻居,林有福政府是一个坏政府,所以我们必须一直反对林有福政府!

这是一个什么样的政府?

我们必须想方设法把这个镇压人民的政府赶下台直到实现我们的目标!

只要我们大家能够团结在一起,我相信,不论这个政府如何暴虐,它都会被打倒!

所以我希望你们不要太过失望,尽快团结起来!

工人团结起来!

农民团结起来!

我们必须采取一些行动回击政府的行动!

我的讲话就到此结束!

(注:到了晚上7点,群众大会结束。在大会结束前林清祥告诉大家在9月27日在武吉班让村将举行同样性质的集会,希望大家都出席这个集会。最后,林清祥要求大家一起高呼:三声:‘默的卡’)

林清祥演讲稿001    林清祥演讲稿002

林清祥演讲稿003  林清祥演讲稿004

林清祥演讲稿005