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(中英文对照)傅树楷医生:关于2015/3/23李光耀逝世的声明

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编者注:

1.傅树介医生是新加坡社会主义阵线前助理秘书长及1963-1973与1976-1982冷藏行动下政治被拘留者;

2.本文转载自: http://www.allsingaporestuff.com/article/dr-poh-soo-kai-lee-kuan-yew-political-pimp

关于2015/3/23李光耀逝世的声明

傅树介照片 党章 01

对我来说,从1959 至1990年担任新加坡总理的李光耀的最贴切描绘就是他是一个政治老鸨(音读“lao bao”,亦即拉皮条者也)。当我在1973年底从牢狱中被释放出来的时候,我称他为政治老鸨。当时,他威胁我说要收拾我。这就导致我于1976年再度被捕。

政治老鸨究为何物?简而言之,就是一个把其自身的人民,以及人民的福祉像卖淫一样出卖给其政治主子以换取利益的人。而他自己与他的家人,加上他的朋党在这个过程中捞得了好处。这难道不是此人最贴切的一个描绘吗?

新加坡的人民在英国殖民主义者统治下饱受压迫的日子对当今的新加坡年轻一代来说可能是不可思议的事。那种苦难的日子在实际生活中到底是怎样的一种滋味?首先,新加坡的经济被他们完全垄断了;当地的政治机关中更谈不上有人民选出的代议士。在民事服务机构中,种族歧视的现象猖阙,欧裔人士独享厚待。在英国人经营的商业机构中英裔官员虽然被禁与当地妇女结婚,但是他们却可以包养当地妇女为情妇,作为玩偶。英国人有没有为我们的孩子开办学校?政治生活里有民主可言吗?新加坡人的人权有没有受到尊重?自由发挥的报章有没有存在?诸如此类实实在在的问题在五十年代初的日子里都是普通新加坡人民在英殖民主义者统治的枷锁捆绑制约的忧患。

为数不多的人可以回忆起李光耀的源起就是在五十年代初以一个反英殖民主义者的面具作为伪装起家的,他是以最大的咆哮高喊反殖叫骂声的家伙。下面就是一个例子说明他非但善于叫嚣反殖口号,而且还变成一个反“白人”的种族主义者。1956年6月6日在一场立法议会的辩论中,他说了以下的话:

“他们(英国人)正在寻找一个傀儡集团签署一份协议书。在我们这里所有反殖的政党里面,我们的职责就是保证我们当中不会有傀儡集团成立来去签署这份协议。我认为我们是会成功的,因为当你对一个亚洲人搓查得彻底时,他会聚齐精神说:“打倒白人”。他说,数百年来要把这种意识从心脑里提拔出来确实需要很长的时间,尤其是当白人仍然还留在我们的周围时。那是一场挑战。我们必须加倍努力。我们应该发起一场运动,基本上属于非共的运动。一旦机会来临,便可以治理马来亚,永恒也好,一段时间也罢。”

然而,背着新加坡人民,李光耀正在向英国人释放出信息说他的那种言论只不过是拿来欺瞒他的人民的伎俩而已。

1956年,当行动党内的左翼领导层–林清祥等–被林有福政府逮捕,李光耀便四处周旋放话,称赞林有福有胆有勇。他这样做的目的就是要让英国的情报组织晓得英国可以在他的精心设计下,投放出好让新加坡人民欣赏的反殖斗士的形象与他的真正本质之间划开界线。到头来,此人也确实没有被英国人看错。李光耀让英国人知道在英国“去殖民化”的过程中,他是一个可以让英国“照天意”钦定的一个人物之一。

另外一次是1956年林德宪制谈判的时候。李光耀没有支持马绍尔与林清祥为争取新加坡自治而提出的要求。而当行动党主席杜进才发表声明表示马绍尔的立场实际上跟行动党原先宣告的政策吻合时,李光耀大发雷霆,对杜进才大表不满。这一点,全都看在英国人的眼里。

1957年初,更多的商谈(就“林德宪制”下步入自治政府的谈判)在新加坡举行,以便为该年下旬假伦敦举行的一场会议做好准备。按英国政府在该会议上将与新加坡的代表签署一份协议书。

当时,英国与行动党两方都不要林清祥以及同时被拘留的其他行动党党员参与1959年的大选。于是,李光耀向殖民地专署建议在即将签署的协议书里面置入一项条款禁止被拘留人士参加1959年的大选,以及禁止该大选所产生的议会。但是,李光耀告诉英国人说该建议应该显示是来自他们(英国人),说他们应该承担该不民主措施的臭名。

然而,英国国会对此举措恐怕不会高兴;因为拘留者毕竟不是犯罪份子,他们拥有政治权利。而另一方面,李光耀却借机对该项条款展开强烈攻击,而且还责备英国不该采取此项不民主的措施剥夺新加坡选民选出林清祥的机会。这事发展的结果就是林清祥被禁止参加1959年的大选。

李光耀甚至还在丹绒巴葛的补选拜票活动中说如果中选的话他会废除该项条款。他方便了自己,却轻易忘记了他完全没有兑现他的此项诺言的半点意愿。他把人民的利益出卖给了殖民地主子,并在此过程中捞得了利益。此乃李光耀的固有本质!

然而,政治老鸨的路途,夹在英国殖民主义者的利益与人民对民主与独立的诉求的夹缝间的滋味并非是令人羡慕的东西。1959年大选胜利后不久,李光耀反殖斗士的形象在新加坡人民心目中急剧蒸发消失。其原因是即便他执政了,可是他并没有寻求途径去释放所有还在牢狱中苦苦等待自由的拘留人士。此外,他还利用不民主的手段加强各种规定去限制工会的活动。因此,到了1961年,当王永元采取与行动党相同的选举纲领在芳林区补选中挑战行动党的时候,王永元轻易地把李光耀击败!那个纲领就是要反殖要民主的纲领。

政治老鸨的下一个救命稻草就是采取更多欺瞒伎俩。在安顺区补选投票该日,也就是芳林失败后一个月左右,李光耀向英殖民主义者提出一项阴谋诡计。其内容是:

他(李光耀)向英国建议释放所有政治拘留者,意图是要讨好新加坡人民以便挽回他在人民间流逝的信誉,同时又希望借此平息行动党内部党员与部长们的不满情绪。但是恰恰与此同时,他又向谢尔克(英国最高专员)强调英国应该下令取消该措施!

这项诡计最终因为没有得到英国的合作而胎死腹中。而此时,意识与决心已经强化了的英国当局觉得该是强制其政治老鸨“走出阴暗的橱柜”的时候了。要迫使他忘掉所有那些什么“为争取人民的心脑而进行的战斗”的言辞叫嚣,而跟着英国与马来亚联合邦的尾巴走,进行大规模残酷的逮捕政治对手的行动 — 1963年2月2日的冷藏行动就此一锤定音。

同样的,1963年的合并计划,实质上就是他在芳林与安顺两区补选大败后为了挽救其政治生命而使出的绝望伎俩。

不言而喻,英国人也同样被这两场行动党的惨败坐立不安;因为他们明了在充满敌意的当地人民的海洋中,他们在新加坡的军事基地也有不保的可能。哪种局面万一出现,就意味着英国在整个区域内的战略利益会丧失殆尽。对英殖民主义者而言,他们在新加坡的军事基地是触摸不得的。解决这个问题的方案,唯有将新加坡与东姑的马来亚联邦合并起来,成为一体。

合并对李光耀来说就是他的一个政治救生圈。至于要如何通过合并这个长堤两边人民都热切期盼的愿景的实现来促进两个地区人民真正融为一体这一点,他绝对没有丝毫的理念。李光耀甚至还曾告诉英国人说如果他在合并后的政治安排中不占有一席之地的话,那么合并就不会成功。

李光耀踏入合并的圈子是抱着一份无地自容的野心进去的。那就是想要取代马华公会作为巫统的华族伙伴。但这个想法东姑是绝不会接受的。这时,自觉受到凌辱的他,决定要使出一点颜色给东姑看,看人民行动党在马来亚华人族群当中的所谓势力。于是,背着原先不参选的默契,合并之后他径直决定马上参选。然而却遭遇惨败。跟着,他决定转去玩弄种族牌,以“马来西亚人的马来西亚”的口号作为幌子,冀望华人族群会给他支持。他这样做导致国内种族关系越来越紧张,危险氛围不断往上飚升。这时,东姑面临一场前所未有的抉择:要把李光耀抓起来还是让新加坡脱离大马。

李光耀跟联合邦进行的投机性合并已经在马来半岛人民与新加坡岛人民之间造成了深长的伤痕,给两地人民之间一向享受的兄弟情谊造成重创。在领导人之间,当马哈迪向李光耀要求给予一笔贷款来应急时,李光耀毫不犹疑地拒绝了。但是,当苏哈多提出相同的要求,李光耀却应允了。

李光耀玩的种族把戏在马来西亚力挺华族权利与华文教育只不过是一种幌子。随着1965年的新马分家,返回新加坡弃下所有面具时,他的原形就完全毕露了。对着南洋大学这家代表全体华人的历史文化符号的学府,他气势汹汹而来,使出严厉的压迫手段。而我们的国语的命运又好到那里去?在马来语言领域里至今仅存的就只有 Majulah Singapura 这首歌。至于英文,或者准确一点应该说“新式英文”(Singlish)却大行其道,成为新加坡的通用语。

随着国家独立以及英殖民地主子的离去,或许有人会以为政治老鸨的名堂已经不再适用于李光耀。对于有这种想法的人,或许是可以原谅的。但是,那毕竟还是不正确的,因为一朝老鸨,永远是个老鸨。把人民的利益出卖给如他所说的 — 世上手握“最重的枪把”的人(或国家)。于是,他如出一辙地在南中国海为美国利益提供服务,同时跟区域利益唱反调,不同的只是现在手段上是比较高明微妙罢了。

今天,新加坡人民在缺乏民主的政治经济生活中已经度过50多个年头。受到枷锁控制下的新加坡报章出版业在一些“自由世界”报章的帮助与怂恿下向我们一直兜售虚假意识,说什么要是新加坡实行真正的民主与尊重人权的话,就不会取得今天这么高水平的物质生活。按此说法,那么众多西方民主国家又怎么能够取得比我们还要高的生活水平呢?此矛盾又怎么解释?

李光耀唯有借助内安法令,从1963年的冷藏行动一直到1987年的光谱行动来吓唬人民,把反对他的政治力量清扫到荒芜一片,使我们的国家变成政治上的不毛之地。他的做法,就是通过给合法的政治对手贴上诸如共产党与马克思等各种各样的标签去捞得所谓的合法性。

我们要再次质问:为何西方民主国家社会能够包容社会主义政党,共产党,甚至法西斯政党,让他们参与竞选,而同时还能取得比我们更高的生活水平呢?

问题是:为什么李光耀要甘于犯下对政治对手施行大规模,同时又是系统性迫害的罪行呢?为什么他会撕破每一项民主与人权的原则来继续掌权呢?归根结底是因为哪种不名誉的举措能够给该政治老鸨与他的家属以及他的朋党带来好处,而不会让无助的人民得到丁点的利益!

行动党已经用铁腕统治了50多年。当下,它无耻地付给它的部长与法官世上最高的薪酬,并断言由于此类薪酬与GDP挂钩,该政策也就理所当然地反映了任人唯贤的宗旨。我们都知道新加坡是世上百分之一的超级富豪利用的税务避风港。这些人把钱存放在新加坡是为了可以在他们自己的国家免缴所得税。他们的钱就这样鼓胀了新加坡的GDP,使之变得庞大。我们也知道外来直接投资流入新加坡来是因为受到新加坡提供的有利条件所吸引,职工总会控制下的驯良的劳动队伍也是其中一个吸引他们到来的甜头。放到新加坡人民与他们的家属的实质生活上来说,这些家庭的经济支柱便可能受到不公平的待遇或是遭受严重的剥削。其所附带产生的结果就会影响到他们的孩子以及其他依靠者的福祉。此外,外来投资也会在GDP的总量上显现,模糊人们对实际经济表现的视线。所有这些征兆如果拿来跟素有“十巴仙夫人”称号的苏哈多夫人明目张胆的贪污相比,当然还是很精致亮丽的。在独裁的印尼苏哈多总统这个人权破坏者垮台之前,人人都知道他还是李光耀的的心腹良朋呢!

新加坡最富裕的1%人口与社会底层的99%普通新加坡人民之间存在的收入差距导致后者心生不安与被边缘化。他们担心他们的组屋的价值会不会发生问题。而更重要的是当他们退休之后,他们的公积金存款是否还可以养活他们,安度余生。因为,在新加坡,到处都可以看到建国一代的较不幸者在拾荒,不是收集人家丢弃的纸盒纸箱来转卖,就是在售卖小包纸巾,以换取可怜的微薄生活补贴!

另一方面,新加坡经济中占有较大区隔的机构,例如政府投资公司,它们的结构与经营状况,高层人员的薪金与福利等事项欠缺透明的现象对于消除或减少新加坡人民心中的恐惧—即担心他们的公积金会不会被挪用来作别的用途—并没有帮助。

新加坡商场上的透明度的问题,或者应该说是欠缺透明度的问题使人们想起邓亮洪先生与李家在酒店产业有限公司(HPL)事件上所发生的“要命性”摩擦。按该事件于1996年在新加坡触发的一场政治风暴中,新加坡股票交易所对酒店产业有限公司发出谴责告示,指该挂牌的产业发展公司在没有寻求股东的许可下便把一些公寓单位—指明是“那申美玉”公寓—以折扣价出售。邓先生后来离开了新加坡。

明了我们的历史才能够把我们从李光耀这个政治老鸨的遗产中解放出来,从而让我们把心愿朝向尚未完成的任务,即实现一个充满人间恩情的社会去努力。在那个社会里,新加坡人民会团结得更加紧密,

DR POH SOO KAI:

LEE KUAN YEW IS A POLITICAL PIMP

This statement is downloaded from:

Statement on the occasion of Lee Kuan Yew’s death on 23 March 2015By Dr Poh Soo Kai, former Assistant Secretary-General of Barisan Sosialis and political prisoner under Operation Coldstore from 1963-1973 and 1976-1982.

http://www.allsingaporestuff.com/article/dr-poh-soo-kai-lee-kuan-yew-political-pimp

傅树介照片

封面与封面-page-001

To me, Lee Kuan Yew – prime minister of Singapore from 1959 till 1990 – is best characterized as a political pimp. In a press release when I was first freed from prison at the end of 1973, I had called him a political pimp. So I was rearrested in 1976.

What is a political pimp? Simply put: a political pimp is one who prostitutes his own people, selling out their well-being, for the interest of his political masters; in the process, he benefits himself, his family and cronies. Is that not a fitting characterization of the man?

It may be inconceivable to the young in Singapore today that the people of Singapore had lived under British colonial oppression. How is that translated in real life?

The British had a monopoly over Singapore’s economy, not to mention that there was no elected local representative in the political institutions. Racial discrimination existed in the civil service in favour of Europeans. British officials of British business houses were prohibited from marrying local women, but not from keeping them as mistresses. Did the British build schools for our children? Was there democracy and respect for the human rights of local Singaporeans? Was there a free press? etc.

Therefore, in those days of the early 1950s these were very real issues to the ordinary Singapore people, chafing under the yoke of British colonialism.Few recall the genesis of Lee Kuan Yew that he had begun in the early 1950s by masquerading as an anti British colonialist – the one shouting the loudest anti colonial diatribe.

Below is an example where not only did he mouth anti-colonial slogans but even became racist against the ‘white man’. In the Legislative Assembly Debate of 6 June 1956, Lee said the following:

“They (the British) are looking for a stooge group to sign an agreement with them. The duty here of all anti-colonial parties is to see that no stooge group is formed to sign this agreement. I think we shall succeed because when you rub an Asian down to rock bottom, he gathers together and says, “Down with the white man.”

He said that for hundreds of years and it takes a long time to get these things out of the system, particularly when the white man is still here. That is the challenge. We must redouble our efforts. We must build up a movement, non-Communist basically, with a chance, maybe for all times but anyway for some time, of running Malaya.”

Yet behind the back of the people of Singapore, Lee was signalling to the British that it was just a facade to hoodwink his people.

In 1956 when the left leadership in the PAP – Lim Chin Siong and others – was arrested by Lim Yew Hock, Lee made the cocktail rounds and praised Lim Yew Hock for his courage.

The move was calculated to let British intelligence know that Britain could draw a clear line between his rhetoric designed to project the image of himself as an anti-colonial fighter for the consumption of the people of Singapore, and his real self. This was not lost to the British. Lee was making it known to the British that he was one of those whom the British could anoint as leaders in their ‘decolonization’ process.

Another instance came during the first Rendel Constitutional Talks in 1956. Lee Kuan Yew did not support David Marshall and Lim Chin Siong in their demand for self government for Singapore. And he was angry with Toh Chin Chye, the PAP chairman, when the latter issued a statement to say that Marshall was in line with the PAP’s stated policy. This of course was again noted by the British.

In early 1957 further discussions were held in Singapore, (in the context of moving towards self government under the Rendel Constitution), to prepare for a conference in London later that year where an agreement would be signed between the British and representatives from Singapore.

Both the British and PAP did not want Lim Chin Siong and detained members of the PAP to stand in the 1959 general election. Lee proposed to the Colonial Office that a clause be inserted in the forthcoming agreement that detainees should be barred from standing in the 1959 election, as well as barred from the Parliament that issued from this election.

However, Lee told the British that the proposal should be seen to come from them; they must bear the odium of that undemocratic practice which the UK parliament might not be too happy over – as detainees, unlike criminals, do have political rights.

Lee, on the other hand, would attack the clause fiercely and blame the UK for such an undemocratic act of depriving the Singapore electorate of its right to elect Lim Chin Siong. And so it came to pass that Lim Chin Siong was barred from standing in the 1959 general election.

Lee even went to the extent, when he campaigned in the Tanjong Pagar by-election, to say that he would repeal the clause when voted in. He conveniently forgot this promise that he had no intention whatsoever to carry out.

He sold out the people’s interests to the colonial power and profited in the process. That is the man.

However, the path of a political pimp, wedged between British colonial interests and the people’s aspirations for democracy and independence, is not an enviable one.

Shortly after the 1959 election victory, Lee’s image as an anti-colonial fighter was fading very fast among the people of Singapore as he did not seek the release of all political prisoners still languishing in detention even after he had assumed office.

He had also un-democratically tightened regulations on trade union activities. Thus, by 1961, when Ong Eng Guan challenged Lee on a platform that was akin to the PAP’s, i.e., an anti colonial democratic platform in the Hong Lim by-election, Ong easily defeated Lee Kuan Yew’s PAP.A political pimp’s next resort to save his neck would be to use more deceptive ploys.

Before the polling day of the Anson by-election a month or so after the Hong Lim defeat, Lee Kuan Yew unfurled a scheme to the British colonialist in which he (Lee) would propose the release of all political prisoners to the people of Singapore in an attempt to recoup his standing among them as well as quell dissatisfaction in the ranks and ministers of PAP; but at the same time, he stressed to Lord Selkirk (the British High Commissioner), that the British should countermand this proposal!

This scheme failed due to British non-cooperation.

The hardened British colonial power preferred to compel its political pimp to ‘come out of the cupboard’, forget all his talk of ‘fighting for the hearts and minds of the people’ but to go along with Britain and the Malayan Federation in a brutal mass arrest of his political opponents – which so came to pass with Operation Coldstore on February 2, 1963.

And likewise with merger in 1963, it was a desperate ploy of Lee to safeguard his political fortune after the defeats in the Hong Lim and Anson by-elections. The British were equally rattled by these electoral setbacks of Lee’s PAP:

they realized that their military base in Singapore might be ineffective within a sea of hostile local population, hence endangering British strategic interests in the region. To the British colonial power, its military base in Singapore was non-negotiable. The British solution to this problem was to merge Singapore with Tunku’s Federation of Malaya.

Merger to Lee Kuan Yew was therefore a political life-buoy. He had absolutely no vision of how to foster one people from the two areas via merger – so desired by the people on both sides of the causeway. Lee even told the British that if he had no place in the political set-up after merger, then merger would not succeed.

Lee entered merger with the misplaced ambition to replace the MCA as UNMO’s Chinese partner – an idea that Tunku refused to entertain. Piqued, he wanted to show off to Tunku, the strength of the PAP among the Chinese population in Malaya.

So, despite an implicit understanding not to take part, he immediately entered the general elections after merger. He suffered a resounding defeat. Lee then turned to play the racial card, disguised as Malaysian Malaysia, hoping to get the Chinese to support him. This raised the tension in the country and Tunku was faced with the choice of arresting him or letting Singapore go.Lee’s opportunistic merger with the Federation has left lasting scars, affecting the brotherly feelings hitherto enjoyed by the people of the peninsula and the island.

Among the leaders, Lee did not hesitate to refuse Mahathir’s request for a loan to tide over a rough time.However, he saw it fit to give a similar loan to Suharto.

Lee’s communal line to champion Chinese rights and education in Malaysia was only a camouflage. All pretences dropped when he was back in Singapore after separation in 1965. Showing his true colours, he suppressed Nantah – a historical symbol among the Chinese community who had courageously defended Chinese language and culture in Singapore. All that remained of the national language of Singapore was Majulah Singapura! English or more accurately, Singlish became the lingua franca of Singapore.

With independence and the departure of the British colonial masters from Singapore, you might be forgiven to think that the title of political pimp no longer applies to Lee Kuan Yew.

In that you are mistaken as the pimp is always a pimp, selling out the interests of his people to, as he termed it, whoever wields the ‘heaviest gun’ in the world. And so in like fashion he went on to serve American interests against regional interests in the South China seas, albeit in a more subtle manner.Today the people of Singapore are chafing under the lack of democracy in political and economic life that has gone on for more than 50 long years. The controlled Singapore press, (aided and abetted by certain Free World press) has sold the false consciousness to us that Singapore could not have achieved its high standard of material life had there been genuine democracy and respect for human rights.

Would this not call into question how other Western democracies have achieved an even higher standard of living than ours?Hence the need for Lee to terrorize his people with the Internal Security Act, from Operation Coldstore of 1963 to Operation Spectrum of 1987 – to make barren the political landscape of any opposition to him. This he justified through the communist and marxist bogeys and all sorts of name-calling of legitimate political opposition.

Again, how are we to explain that Western democracies have achieved a higher standard of living and at the same time practise electoral democracies – their socialist, communist and even outright fascist parties can take part in the polls?

Therefore the question to ask is

why does Lee Kuan Yew have to resort to committing crimes against humanity in his large-scale and systematic persecution of all political opposition?

Why did he shred every democratic and human rights principle to remain in power? Precisely because in the final analysis, such a dishonorable course benefits the political pimp, his family and cronies to the destitution of the people.

The PAP has ruled with an iron fist for 50 years. Today, it unabashedly pays its ministers and judges the highest salaries in the world – justifying this policy as reflecting meritocracy since the salaries are pegged to the GDP.We all know that Singapore is a tax shelter to the 1% super rich of this world who can park their money in Singapore to avoid paying income taxes in their home countries. Their money goes to inflate Singapore’s GDP.We also know that foreign direct investments (FDI) are enticed to Singapore, for its TUC controlled and docile labour force, among other attractive attributes that Singapore offers. What this translates in real life for Singaporeans and their families, is that the bread earner may be unfairly paid or over-exploited, with the attendant consequences on the children and other dependents. This FDI also goes into the GDP’s reckoning.This is all very sophisticated in comparison to, for example, the blatant corruption of Madam Suharto, known as Indonesia’s Madam Ten Percent, before Lee’s bosom friend, the dictator and human rights violator President Suharto, fell from power!This obscene gap between the rich top 1% Singaporeans and the bottom 99% ordinary Singaporeans, results in the latter feeling insecure and marginalized: they worry about the value of their HDB flats and most importantly, if they would be able to live off their CPF when they retire, for all around Singapore, they can see the less fortunate of the pioneer generation, gathering card boxes, selling tissue packets, and offering to carry passengers’ heavy luggage with their feeble strength.The opaqueness in the operations and structure of a large sector of the Singapore economy as denoted by government investment corporations (GICs), – for example, what is the pay structure of their board and directors – have not helped to abate Singaporean’s fear that their CPF may be dipped into for other purposes.The transparency or lack thereof in the business world of Singapore summons to mind, Tan Liang Hong’s ‘fatal’ brush with the Lee family in the Hotel Properties Limited (HPL) episode that sparked off a political storm in Singapore in 1996. The Stock Exchange of Singapore (SES) censured Hotel Property Ltd, a publicly listed property development company, for not seeking shareholders’ approval for the sale of some of its condominium developments, notably Nassim Jade, at a discount price. Tan subsequently fled Singapore.Knowing the truth of our history and economy will set us free from the legacies of the political pimp Lee Kuan Yew, so that we can move on to fulfill our aspiration for a HUMANE SOCIETY, where all Singaporeans can live together in dignity and solidarity.

 

3 thoughts on “(中英文对照)傅树楷医生:关于2015/3/23李光耀逝世的声明

  1. Pingback引用通告: 傅树介医生:关于2015-3-23李光耀逝世的声明 | 新国志

  2. Pingback引用通告: 同胞们,团结起来!抛弃幻想、继续坚持争取早日实现一个真正自由、民主和社会公正的新加坡而斗争! | 人民论坛

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