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新加坡民主党主席黄淑仪博士: 向赛.查哈利致敬!

(中/英文版)向赛.查哈利致敬

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又一位在1950和1960年代永垂不朽的反殖民主义的战士与我们永别了。

不同于历史。

年纪88岁的赛.查哈利静悄悄地离开了。他一生中的峥嵘岁月大部分都献给了新加坡的反殖民主义和独立斗争,以及在李光耀统治下的牢狱度过17年。

他外表冷静但显示着钢铁般的斗志!他面对着长期不经审讯的监禁,仍然坚持不拿自己的原则做交易以换取从牢狱里释放出来。

傅树介医生曾经公开地说,

李光耀就是“一个政治儒夫”。他也说,只有儒夫才会求助于监牢来对付他的政治对手,而不是让对手在同一个平台就自己理想与他们进行辩论,让最好者最终获胜。

赛爷爷曾经是马来语文报章《马来前锋报》的总编辑。他在1961年领导了一场为争取报章独立自主长达93天罢工斗争。他在1963年2月2日冷藏行动下的被捕的,这是当选为前新加坡人民党的主席后隔天被捕的。行动党对他感到恐惧是因为他不仅仅受到马来族同胞尊敬,而是由于他精通三种语言,普遍。受英文教育和受华文教育受到选民欢迎和共同尊敬的政治人物。

我有幸在几年前马来西亚吉隆坡与他见过几次面。尽管他的身体健康不是很好,他的性格永远都是保持着开朗和乐观。当我们要在芳林公园举行预期即将到来纪念冷藏行动50周年纪念时,他尝试要到新加坡来参与。然而,身体的不便行动让他无法成行。但是,这一切却阻挡不了他接见来自新加坡、马来西亚以及世界各地的访客。

安息吧!赛爷爷。

民主党新加坡民主党主席:

黄淑仪博士

Tribute to Said Zahari

Another unsung hero from our anti-colonial struggle in the 1950s and early 1960s has left us. Unlike the victors of history,

Said Zahari, age 88, went quietly as he had done for the most part of his life, be it when he was fighting against the British for Singapore’s independence or when he sat in prison for 17 years under Lee Kuan Yew’s rule.

His calm demeanour belied a spirit of steel that saw him bear the cruelty of long imprisonment without trial and yet not for a moment compromising on his principles to seek release from incarceration.

Pak Said had publicly called

Lee Kuan Yew “a political coward”. He had said only a coward would resort to jailing his opponents instead of taking them in a political contestation of ideas and letting the best man win.

Pak Said was editor-in-chief of the Malay-language Utusan Melayu who led the 93-day strike for editorial independence in 1961. He was elected president of Partai Rakyat just one day before he was arrested in Operation Cold Store on 2 February 1963. He was much feared by the PAP as he was held in high esteem by both the English-speaking and the Chinese-speaking people, not to mention the Malays. His proficiency in the three languages contributed to his popularity among the electorate.

I had the privilege of having met him a couple of times in his home in Kuala Lumpur a few years back. Despite his ill health, he was cheerful and gentle as always and contemplated coming down to Singapore to commemorate the 50th Anniversary of Operation Cold Store at Hong Lim Speakers’ Corner. His physical immobility thwarted that plan but he never stopped receiving streams of visitors from Singapore and elsewhere in Malaysia and the rest of the world.

May you rest in peace, Pak Said.

 

民主党Singapore Democratic Party

Dr Wong Souk Yee


Chair

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安息吧!祖国和人民的好儿女,赛.查哈利同志!

捍卫新闻自由的棋手!

反对英国殖民主义者、争取祖国独立、自由、民主和平等而奋斗终身的伟大战士!

敬爱的赛.查哈利同志安息吧!

婉辞

 


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怀念赛扎哈里—— 群岛星空失去一颗明亮的星

作者:阿都拉曼恩蓬

转载自网址:http://blog.of21.com/?p=53866

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【悼念】赛扎哈里(Said Zahari)突然离世的消息传来,震惊国内外。这名杰出的爱国主义者、捍卫自由的斗士、新闻人,是马新地区甚至是整个马来群岛的指标人物。

虽然被这个悲伤的消息震惊,但赛扎哈里的家人、战友和敬仰他的人士,已渐渐开始接受这个事实——他不在我们大家身边了。

赛扎哈里已在2016年4月12日中午12点30分,在他的女儿丽丝玛瓦蒂(Rismawati)于雪州本查阿南(Puncak Alam)的住家安详离世,寿终正寝,享年88岁。

求学时关心反殖运动

1928年5月18日,赛扎哈里出生于新加坡花园村(Kampung Kebun Bunga),一个来自爪哇的马来家庭。

二战前,他在新加坡马来学校接受教育。在日本结束占领马来半岛后,他继续求学考取剑桥高级文凭,同时也默默关心反英殖民运动的消息。

后来他闯入新闻界,在1951年加入《马来前锋报》。当时,反殖民情绪不只在马来亚高涨,也在各地殖民地飘扬。

李光耀下令扣留17年

基于赛扎哈里的领导天赋和个性,他在1959年受委出任《前锋报》主编。

1961年,当巫统领袖和马来亚政府不满《前锋报》立场,试图掌控甚至改变该报编辑政策,赛扎哈里领导了那场历时三个月的历史性罢工,以反对巫统干预,维护新闻自由。

然而,他的家庭也面临一次次的考验。在1963年2月2日,他遭李光耀政府以内安法令扣留。这一关就是17年,导致孩子们在没爸爸的陪伴下成长。

赛扎哈里的妻子萨拉玛(Salamah)坚韧刚毅,不只独自将孩子带大,也让赛扎哈里得以意志坚定,度过监狱的磨难。他是在马新被关押最久的政治犯之一,也被新旧世代视为一颗为自由和正义发声的良心。

爱妻心脏病发忽离世

被释放后几年,赛扎哈里随家人从新加坡迁至吉隆坡,继续他的生活和斗争。

身 为一名笔锋尖利和富有想象力的记者和写作者,他将本身的生活、斗争故事、对国土的感情、反殖信念及对人类的解放等想法,记录在三本回忆录《Meniti Lautan Gelora》(2001),《Dalam Ribuan Mimpi Gelisah》(2006,见图),和《Suara Bicara》(2015)。

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2004年12月,当赛扎哈里还未完成第二本回忆录,萨拉玛因心脏病发作忽然离世。她不但是赛扎哈里爱妻,也是他的战友。赛扎哈里打击甚大,但最终仍坚毅地接受。

他后来和孩子及孙子一起生活,这期间一直有老朋友、旧同事来探望他,甚至一些想从他身上学习知识和经验的年轻的社运分子也来拜访,希望能从他的抗争精神吸取灵感。他也常常通过访谈出现在各大媒体上,尤其是有关国内外新闻自由和反殖民历史的议题。

去年杪最后公开亮相

然而,在他生前的最后几年,因为患病且年事已高,大家不常听见他的消息。赛扎哈里最后一次出现在众人面前是2015年10月2日,那是他第三本回忆录《Suara Bicara》的新书发布会。

在林连玉基金大楼挤满人的讲堂,赛扎哈里坐着轮椅出现,献上他生前最后一次演讲。虽然他的声音不如之前响亮,他的劝告却直掏人心:

生活就是抗争(Hidup adalah perjuangan)。

在那之前两年,在一本有关新加坡冷藏行动50周年的纪念文集中,他的文章标题是

“我怎么能死,抗争仍未结束”,意味着他的斗争仍未结束,生活必须继续。这也反映了他坚定的抗争精神,是留给我们,尤其是下一代人的遗产。

要连接马新人民历史

赛扎哈里虽然已经不在了,但他的事迹仍然将被铭记及尊敬。

身为一个有原则和勇敢的记者,他坚守底线。虽然他曾通过《前锋报》争取新闻自由,维护媒体伦理,但却从未获颁国家新闻奖。然而,他的贡献已获得国内外各方的认可。

在政治语境中,赛扎哈里是位追求独立、自由的杰出爱国者和反殖民斗士。他主张各族团结,连结马新两地人民的历史。

其中一样赛扎哈里让人铭记在心的事迹,则是他的语言能力。他除了精通英语和马来语以外,也会说华语。这是他被拘留时,在监狱里向狱友们学习的;他同时也教他们马来语。

每当我们有幸参与赛扎哈里的开斋节门户开放活动时,他的客人一定是来自各个族群的。他也热情招呼所有宾客,我们常常听到他和华裔朋友们以华语沟通。

抵抗疾病完成回忆录

赛扎哈里是一名坚韧非凡的人物。尽管在扣留时面对身理和心理折磨,甚至受到生命威胁,他也坚贞不屈。

同时,他也不屈服于疾病,而时时保持开朗,在生命走到尽头时,依然抱着幽默乐观的态度。赛扎哈里在1993年7月中风,但他以顽强的意志抵抗疾病,甚至还出版了两本回忆录。

虽然在2012年12月,他第二次中风,导致右手近乎瘫痪,但他仍然顽强拼搏,决心要完成第三本回忆录。

对李光耀没私人恩怨

赛扎哈里也是个宽宏大量的人,我们都深受其感动。也因为他的雅量,他不曾对那些剥夺他自由的人心存怨恨。这在和他的谈话中得以获知,也可从他的第一本回忆录中略知一二。

当那位将他送进监牢的前新加坡总理李光耀,在2015年3月23日高龄91岁逝世时,赛扎哈里的反应就如此而已。

他曾说,

他和李光耀之间无关私人恩怨,而是一个独裁政权如何为了将小岛打造成先进国家,而通过噤声消灭对手的人权,甚至破坏抗争者的家庭,摧毁他们的人生道路

赛扎哈里和一群捍卫自由的勇士站在一起,他们最宝贵青春时光在监狱度过,点燃了无法浇熄的斗志。

虽然赛扎哈里和其他斗士曾经被羁押,但牢房无法阻止他们心向祖国,他们的思想也在世界舞台散播。他们的名字铭刻在世界的自由与公平斗争历史中,永垂不朽。

赛扎哈里虽已不在我们身边,但是借用伟大诗人沙末赛益的话:总在消失时更能感受到存在。在回忆中,我们更怀念且尊敬赛扎哈里的伟大形象!

愿上苍保佑他的灵魂,视之为有信仰的人,Alfatihah!


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同志们,赛.扎哈利同志和我们永别了

悼念赛扎哈利同志

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同志们,咱们的赛.扎哈利老同志已于2016年4月12日中午在马来西亚吉隆坡和我们永别了!享年88岁。

他生前是新加坡人民党PARTAI RAKYAT SINGAPURA 主席;他也是《马来前锋报》总编辑。

李光耀利用英国殖民主义者和当时的马来亚总理东姑.阿杜拉曼于1963年2月2日的冷藏行动逮捕了他和其他100多反对李光耀提出的新加坡加入马来西亚计划的条件。

在李光耀自行宣布新加坡退出马来西亚后,李光耀并没有释放他和其他100多反殖爱国志士。李光耀逮捕并监禁他们的理由是反对新加坡加入马来西亚。但是在新加坡退出马来西亚后,李光耀还继续监禁他们。

他被监禁了17年后获得释放。释放后长期居住在马来西亚。

我在2016年4月1日和友人与他见面。

当天,他向我们表示希望能够出席4月2日傅树介医生在吉隆坡举行的新书发布会。

他是傅树介医生的亲密战友。他提出要求出席这个盛会是可以理解的。他怀念着自己的老战友。同时要为自己的老战友出版历史巨作表示支持。但是基于健康理由,我们请赛老安心在家休息。我答应会把会场现况制成视频给他老人家。

我给了他一张已经制成的傅树介医生在新加坡举行的新书发布会视频。并答应把今年农历初三新加坡的老朋们春茗聚餐视频让朋友转交给他。

我们倾听了赛老和我们畅谈了过去的斗争历史。在会面过程中他向在场2位老同志询问了当年与监禁在一起狱中战友近况。赛老讲一口流利华语。他的华语是在17年的牢狱生涯里向同牢房的南大学生学习的。

当我们见到赛老时,他已经无法坐在轮椅上了。尽管自己已经病卧床上,但是,他还是关心着祖国新加坡人民争取自由,民主与平等的斗争。

我在与他聊天时看到了老人家的革命乐观主义精神,让我更加坚定不移地继续坚持自己的信念!

赛老同志,您的战友,祖国和人民永远不会忘记您!

安息吧!赛查哈里同志。

摄于2016年4月1日住家-2

摄于2016年4月1日-1

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相关链接:

施忠明先生采访赛扎哈利老先生的的视频录像网址:(这个视频被新加坡政府禁止放映)
http://theindependent.sg/said-zahari-passes-away/


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(中/英文版)Show Ying Xin开场白: 李光耀的故事同时就是“新加坡的故事” Show Ying Xin:Lee Kuan Yew’s story is also ‘The Singapore Story’

生活在欺瞒的年代(中文版封面)

Show Ying Xin开场白:

李光耀的故事同时就是“新加坡的故事”

于2016年4月2日在八打灵再也举行新书发布会

Ying Xin小姐是于2016年4月2日在马来西亚八打灵再也举行的傅树介医生新书《生活在欺瞒的年代》发布会的主持人。

Show Ying Xin小姐

“就许多人而言,李光耀的故事同时就是‘新加坡的故事’”这是作为他的回忆录的第一批标题。

这是一个人的标题、国家的第一位总理、把一个小村庄发展成为大都会、摆脱了它从一个发展困境的第三世界国家、让它上升为世界上最富裕的国家之一。

这是新加坡的故事精神和“建国之父”的新加坡。但是,每一个完美的叙述都有它的缺陷和漏洞。

事实上,李光耀的历史已经被引来了质疑的问题。

傅树介医生,今年84岁,他是在公安法令和后来的内部安全法令下被逮捕并监禁17年的政治犯。他揭穿了新加坡官方的历史叙说。

他的回忆录:《生活在欺瞒的年代》于201642日在八打灵再也的Gerakbudaya书局只是发行了。在发布会上也进行了讨论会。

傅树介医生是50年代马来亚大学(新加坡分校)社会主义俱乐部的发起人。他同时也是和李光耀及林清祥一起是新加坡人民行动党的发起人。林清祥是一名杰出的职工会领袖,他后来在不经审讯下被监禁了。

傅树介医生是来自一个具有显著背景的家族——陈嘉庚,是他的外祖父。他是一个杰出的华侨商商人和慈善家。他也是中国福建省厦门大学的创办人。

现在的马来西亚人对陈嘉庚、新加坡和内部安全法令并不熟悉。但是,我们趋向忘记了我们(马来西亚与新加坡)之间的历史的联系在一起的。

傅树介医生的一个失败项目——在1963年反对新加坡与马来亚的合并计划。这个计划的的失败不在于因为李光耀的“马来西亚人的马来西亚”不被马来统治精英所接受,而是李光耀已经在事前策划让它失败。

傅树介医生说,“李光耀在面对着不久前来自左翼选民获得的胜利后,他希望通过这个(与马来亚的)合并,(时任马来亚总理的)东姑能够帮忙他在新加坡的左翼反对者逮捕”。

1963年,马来西亚成立之前几个月,政治肃清行动党在新加坡开始了。超过100多名主要的左翼领导人在著名的《冷藏行动》计划下被捕了。傅树介医生哦包括林清祥在内的前提反对党成员都被捕了。

傅树介医生被监禁了近11年后被释放。接着在1976年有再一次被捕。他被“指控积极协助亲共分子 ”。他在6年后被释放。

傅树介医生和其他社会主义阵线(从人民行动党分裂出来另组的政党)领袖反对合并计划,是因为这个计划不是一个真正为了建设一个国家的愿望而提出的。

傅树介医生补充说,他认为,新加坡的左翼是要一个正真建立一个国家理想的合并。英国

人、李光耀 和东姑只是为了各自的政治理由而走到一块儿。他们所计划建立的马来西亚

并不是一个具有国家的观点的马来西亚。

傅树介医生撰写这本书的目的在于回应官方的所叙述的历史的修正一面;出版这本书的另一个目的是为了他和自己一代的同志。

傅树介医生想李光耀的新加坡历史提出了挑战。他引用近期解密的历史档案资料作为支撑反驳合并计划其实是(挑战李光耀)许多例子中的一个例子。

他在自己的回忆最后一页写道:“我个人感觉到,我有责任和义务必须给年轻一代留下我们国家的历史”

参与本次讨论会的演讲者包括了Pusat Sejarah Rakyat主席赛.胡申.阿里——也是本书的共同出版人;李万千,前Malaysiakini专栏作者。他们两位都是内部安全法令的受害者之一;Sunita Mei-Lin Rajakumar小姐,她是前马来亚雪兰莪州劳工党主席拉惹古玛医生的女儿,也是Yayasan Usman Awang信托人的董事局成员。

这本是已经与2016213日在新加坡正式发行,它是目前一本最畅销的书。

新书发布会地点

Show Ying Xin

Lee Kuan Yew’s story is also ‘The Singapore Story’

“For many, Lee Kuan Yew’s story is also ‘The Singapore Story’, as the first instalment of his memoirs is titled.

It is the tale of one man, the country’s first premier, transforming a small village into a metropolitan city, extricating a third world country from its development dilemma, to rise to the ranks of the richest countries in the world.

That is the inspirational story of Singapore and of the ‘founding father’ of Singapore. However, every too-perfect narrative has its flaws and loopholes.

Indeed Lee’s side of history has been called into question.

Dr Poh Soo Kai, 84, a political prisoner detained under the Preservation of Public Security

Ordinance (PPSO) and its successor the Internal Security Act (ISA) for a total of 17 years, seeks to “debunk the official Singapore historical narrative”.

His memoir ‘Living in a Time of Deception’ was launched yesterday at the Gerakbudaya bookstore, Petaling Jaya, and followed by a panel discussion.

Poh was the founding member of the University Socialist Club at the University of Malaya in the 50s, and also the founding member of the People’s Action Party (PAP), along with Lee and Lim Chin Siong – the charismatic trade union leader who would later be detained twice, without any trial.

Poh also has a distinguished family background. The prominent overseas Chinese businessman and philanthropist who founded Xiamen University, Tan Kah Kee, is his grandfather.

Malaysians are not unfamiliar with Tan Kah Kee, Singapore, and the ISA, but we tend to forget the fact that our histories are connected.

Failed  project For Poh, the merger of Singapore and Malaya in 1963 was a failed project not because Lee’s ‘Malaysia for Malaysians’ was not accepted by the Malay ruling elite, but because Lee had planned for it to fail.

“Lee was under threat from recent left-wing electoral victories, and his hope was that with the merger (with Malaya), the Tunku would arrest his left-wing opponents in Singapore for him,” he claimed.

A few months before the establishment of Malaysia in 1963, political cleansing took place in Singapore which saw over 100 people, mainly leftists, detained in the infamous Operation Coldstore. Poh and many opposition party members, including Lim Chin Siong, were detained.

Poh was only released after nearly 11 years. And he was re-arrested again in 1976 for ‘allegedly having actively helped pro-communist elements’. He was freed after six years.

Poh and other Barisan Sosialis (PAP’s splinter) leaders opposed the planned merger because it was not out of a genuine desire to build a nation.

 “(The) setting up (of) Malaysia had no vision of forming a nation, they (the British, Lee and Tunku) came together for political reasons of their own”, he opined, adding that the leftists wanted a merger but with genuine nation-building ideals.

The intention of writing this memoir is to give a revisionist account to the official narrative, and to write for his fellow comrades from his generation.

The merger scheme is just one of many examples where Poh challenges Lee’s story of Singapore, backed with the support of recently-released historical documents.

“I feel I owe the younger generation a duty to leave a record of our country’s history”, he wrote

on the last page of his memoir.

Among the panelilsts were Selangor senator Syed Husin Ali, who is also the president of Pusat Sejarah Rakyat – the co-publisher of this book and Lee Ban Chen, former Malaysiakini columnist, both of whom were also victims of ISA; Sunita Mei-Lin Rajakumar, a member of the Board of Trustees of Yayasan Usman Awang, who is also the daughter of former chairperson of the Selangor Labour Party, MK Rajakumar.

The book was first launched in Singapore in February, and is still a best-seller today.”

傅树介医生新书发布会封面


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李万千:另一版本的新加坡故事

新书发布会地点

生活在欺瞒的年代(中文版封面)

李万千:另一版本的新加坡故事

李万千

作者按:

本文是为李万千《傅树介政治斗争回忆录:生活在欺瞒的年代》新书推介仪式(4月2日)准备的发言稿。当天由于时间关系,只采用了部分内容。

《生活在欺瞒的年代》是由傅树介医生撰著,由孔莉莎、黄淑仪联合编辑,而伍德南则将它译成华文,使英、华两种版本能够同时面世。新书一上市,立即获得舆论和市场的良好反应,预示了它的重要性和深远影响。

读过本书的人一定会发现,它的内容不仅是傅医生个人政治斗争回忆录那么简单。正如傅医生在前言中所说的,本书是结合他的亲身经历,全面反映上世纪50年代及60年代所发生的重大事件,目的在于厘清真相,驳斥官方版本的新加坡历史论述。这也是当局警告前政治拘留者不得重写历史后,最直接的答复。

已届84岁高龄的傅医生,在其团队的鼓励和参与下,出色地完成这部重要著作,体现了高度的社会使命感。傅医生最受不了的,是当局竭尽所能,把被释放的前政治拘留者定性为“被打败的破坏分子”。虽然饱受17年黑牢的摧𣧌,他仍然坚守“士可杀,不可辱”的政治操守。李光耀指责他“蔑视不屈”(defiant),他却岿然不动!

敢于“藐视敌人”

傅树介大义凛然地强调:“在‘正义’与‘非正义’之间,我作严格界分,绝不含糊。”正是这种敢于“在战略上藐视敌人”的大无畏精神,支撑着许多像谢太宝(见图)和傅树介医生一样的大无畏者,以“坐穿牢底”的决心,战胜敌人的黑牢!

傅医生坚决否认新加坡前左翼政治拘留者是什么“被打败的坏分子”这个反动的伪命题,并以实际行动给予坚决的反击,这是完全正确与必要的。

其实,只要斗争还在继续,暂时的失败并不可怕,因为我们明白人民取得胜利的逻辑是:“斗争,失败,再斗争,再失败,直至胜利。”

社会主义斗争未完

无可否认,新加坡左翼在上世纪50年代及60年代反对英殖民主义,为争取自治和独立,实现人民民主和社会主义的斗争。由于李光耀的伪装、背叛和出卖,以及本身犯上错误,而宣告失败。但从长远来看,这场为实现更好美好社会制度的斗争,实际上仍未结束。

不论从新加坡、区域性或者是囯际的视野出发,社会主义和资本主义最终谁胜谁负,或如何发展的问题,毕竟还没有解决。特别是上世纪末以来世界金融危机频频爆发,许多老牌资本主义囯家纷纷出现经济发展的瓶颈,甚至面临破产的窘境;而中囯则快速和平崛起,其他不少发展中囯家的经济成长也相对快速的情况下,更是如此。

有谁会想到,在帝囯主义的老大美囯,会爆发99%的人民向1%大富豪宣战,这等深刻暴露帝囯主义本质的大事件?又有谁会想到,在短短的三几十年内,中囯就能够和平崛起成为世界第二大经济体,而且若按照购买力平价计算,可能已经超越美囯而成为世界第一。

以证据确立可信度

诚如孔莉莎(见图)在其导言中所说的:“只有全面透彻呈现证据,才能确立本书的可信度。”她指出本书历史论证的资料,基本上来自三个出处:档案资料,辅以报章的新闻报导、《李光耀回忆录》以及傅医生的人生经验和对世界状况的观察和理解。我认为傅医生在左翼运动中的资深背景、丰富阅历、及广泛的人脉关系,也是本书的一些优势和特色。

以下就举李光耀为例,看看傅医生是如何运用他所掌握的有关资料和证据,来暴露李氏是如何善于把自己伪装为一个支持社会主义的进步律师,暗地里却勾结英殖民主义当局及其忠实的仆从林有福,通过公安法令及内安法令进行大逮捕,背叛和出卖以林清祥为首的公开左派,甚至利用与新加坡马共领袖方壮璧,建立所谓反殖统一战线的关系,以达到全面控制人民行动党,及最终夺取新加𤿜政权的目的。

李光耀伪装为具有社会主义思想的进步律师,为学生和工人服务,在取得左派的信任之后,就拉拢受英文教育和华文教育的左派精英,与他一道成立人民行动党。

表面上他与民主行动党内的左派团结一致,共同为人民争取新加坡的自治与独立而奋斗。实际上他在暗地里却与英殖民主义当局及它的忠实仆从林有福相互勾结,狼狈为奸,怂恿林有福于1956年9月至10月间,展开一连串的逮捕行动,封闭中学联和多家工会,导致社会动乱。结果共有234人,包括林清祥等主要领导人在内,在公安法令下被捕。

李一手策划大逮捕

1957年8月9日人民行动党举行第四届中央执行委员会选举,结果李光耀的保守派和左翼激进派各有6人中选,李光耀拒绝出任高职,激进派被迫挑大梁。同年8月22日,警方就采取行动逮捕包括5名激进派中委在内的30名工会分子和新闻工作者,为李光耀全面控制人民行动党扫除障碍。

根据傅医生的分析,整个事件很可能就是李光耀一手策划的。李光耀通过在狱中已经投靠他的蒂凡那(Devan Nair),在知知拉惹(TT Rajah)前往探狱时,通过他指示牢外的吴文斗等第二领导梯队,要他们在林清祥及蒂凡那等人还在牢中时,角逐中委会职位。他们中计后,林有福就援引公安法令将他们一网打尽,协助李光耀夺取行动党的领导权。

英囯档案局报告和警察情报刊物还披露,禁止政治犯参加1959年大选的“反颠覆条款”,也是李光耀(见图)的主意,是他敦促英殖民者接纳的。这毒招剥夺了所有在狱中或释放了的政治犯参加大选的权力,为李光耀独裁政权上台制造了良机。

因此,正如傅医生所正确指出的,李光耀说什么“马共若遵𢕀和平宪制途径,在民主体制内运作,或许会有如在印度的印共一样,获准在新的马来亚合法活动”,其实只是虚晃的招数。他的目的在于有机会利用与马共建立的所谓反殖统一战线的假相,使他在镇压党内左派,全面控制党的领导权,及在1959年顺利上台执政等方面,不会遭受到来自党内左派太大的反弹。

早已背叛林清祥

如上所述,李光耀实际上在1956及1957年已经分别动手镇压清祥等第一梯队领导,及设计使吴文斗等第二梯队领导也身陷牢狱,公然背叛左派。

因此,傅医生认为,方壮璧在1958年会见李光耀时,应该已经知道他已经背叛林清祥,因为林清祥在1956年10月被𥙷时,他的罪状是在群众大会上号召群众“pahmata”(福建话,意为“打警察”)。而事实正好相反,林清祥是吁请群众“maipahmata”(不要打警察)。傅医生认为如果方壮璧还不知道这件事,就说明方当时已太过脱离群众了。

在新加坡马共领导人准备与李光耀建立所谓统一战线关系期间,李光耀成功地推行了三件十分关键的计划,即(一)加冷补选;(二)释放林清祥;(三)人民行动党的干部党员制;简述如下:

(一)加冷补选:把底牌翻开在桌面上

李光耀在第一次会见方壮璧时,就要求他安排让工人党的市议员兼工会领袖郑越东辞去加冷区市议会议席,以证明跟他打交道的方壮璧确实是马共的全权代表。

傅医生认为,要搞清楚这件事,根本不必如此大费周章,只要通过他的情报关系或到警察局去查看“通缉”招贴,上面就有方壮璧的照片和名字。无论如何,马共还是满足了李光耀的无理要求。结果人民行动党在补选中胜出,李光耀如愿以偿,但傅医生认为,马共这么做己经把底牌都翻开在桌面上了!

(二)释放林清祥:在要胁下签署声明

就在方李见面的前后,林清祥被政治部调到自由营,与方水双及蒂凡那等人

在一起。他们把一份由李光耀授意,蒂凡那起草的声明——《马来亚社会主

义的道路》交给林清祥,要求他签名。

他有些保留,因为其他7人在未与他讨论之前都已经签好名了,他有点被迫签名的感觉。无论如何,他还是签了,因为李光耀要胁他们,若不签署声明,他就不会参加1959年大选准备执政,这也意味着他们将继续坐牢。

显然,李光耀企图一面利用新加坡马共领袖的支持,一面分化林清祥的领导团队,以达到他不可告人的目的。李光耀其实不可能会轻易放弃争取执政的机会。在取得政权之后,若林清祥等人还没有放释放,他是无法向人民交代的。

因此,傅医生曾向林清祥指出,签署声明是错误的,他应揭穿李光耀的骗局,而林清祥也接受傅医生的批评。

(三)干部党员制:李光耀绝对控制的体制

傅医生指出:“1958年12月23日,人民行动党常年大会对党章进行了修订,这可能是李光耀跟方壮璧会面所取得的最大收获——他获得保证,党的基层不会对此作出反弹。”

此次修订党章,目的是为了引进干部党员制,一个可让李光耀绝对控制人民行动党的体制。因为在此体制下,只有干部党员才有资格竞选中央执行委员会,而“干部”党员则须由中委会遴选决定。难怪修订案通过后,李光耀会洋洋得意,扬言行动党不会再被人夺权了。傅医生在书中透露,林清祥对干部党员制十分不满,却不能公开抗争,以免和马共闹翻。

批评马共战略思想

对李光耀和新加坡马共领导人的交锋,傅医生毫不客气地认为,马共方面上当了。他感慨地写道:“两个衰弱政党的领导人相会,其中一个是从他所要打击的敌人手中,取得一份留白的全权委托书;另一个是交出了王牌而一无所获。负责新加坡的马共领导人上当了!左翼把这类人当朋友,那还需要敌人吗?”(页124)

傅医生也批评马共的战略思维。他不认同只有“高潮”和“低潮”之分,而

在衰弱时潜伏下来,一股脑全力支持李光耀。他长期认为,支持多党派是左翼向前发展的最佳道路,在战略上不应当是高潮和低潮,而是“浑水”——“我们应当尽可能联合许多党派和集团,在尽可能多的共同基础和广泛课题上进行合作”(页158)。

傅医生对新加坡马共领导人的批评无疑是相当尖锐的,但若有事实根据,就事论事,则并无不妥;若有不同看法,也可以进行讨论,无需过于敏感。

注:本文是为《傅树介政治斗争回忆录:生活在欺瞒的年代》新书推介仪式(4月2日)准备的发言稿。当天由于时间关系,只采用了部分内容。

相关链接:

1.傅树介医生新书发布于2016年2月13日在新加坡举行新书发布会网址:

       傅树介医生演讲:

       https://wangruirong.wordpress.com/2016/02/14/

   傅树介医生演讲视频:

   https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LVRImxixTb4

  孔丽莎演讲:https://wangruirong.wordpress.com/2016/03/06/

 

2.傅树介医生于2016年4月2日讲话网址:

https://wangruirong.wordpress.com/2016/04/05/

 

3.赛胡申阿里于2016年4月2日讲话网址:

https://wangruirong.wordpress.com/2016/04/07/

 

4.2016年4月2日在马来西亚八打灵再也举行傅树介医生新书发布会照片网址:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZVn_9mtG9bU&feature=youtu.be


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(中/英文版)真理与激情代替了与谎言欺瞒 Truth and inspiration replacing deceit and deception

本文转载自 FUNCTION 8 April 6, 2016 by fn8org

真理与激情代替了与谎言欺瞒

作者:赛.胡申.阿里博士  Dr. Syed Husin Ali

编者按:

作者赛.胡申.阿里博士获取了马来亚大学(新加坡分校)学士和硕士学位。他的博士学位是在伦敦经济与政治学院获得的。他是前马来亚大学(吉隆坡)的人类学和社会学的教授。目前他是马来西亚人民公正党(Parti Keadilan Rakyat ,PKR)副主席。他的著作有:《马来亚农民社会和它的领导层》(Malay Peasant Society And Leadership (1975));《双面:不经审讯(1996年)》 (Two Faces: Detention Without Trial (1996));《种族关系在马来西亚:和谐与冲突(2008)》( Ethnic Relations in Malaysia: Harmony and Conflict (2008))和《马来人:他们的问题和未来(2008)》 (The Malays: Their Problems and Future (2008))

2016年4月2日在吉隆坡八打灵再也GERAKBUDAYA书店举行的傅树介医生新书《生活在欺瞒年代》发布会上赛.胡申阿里是其中的一名受邀发言的嘉宾。以下是他的演讲稿。

新书发布会地点

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以下是赛.胡申.阿里的演讲全文:

塞胡申阿里

我很荣幸受邀在今天早上参与了傅树介医生的新书《生活在欺瞒的年代》的发布会。我在三天内读完了这本书。一旦我开始阅读,我就不会放下了。我发现这是一本具有特殊意义的伟大历史和价值性很高的著作。傅树介医生是一名杰出的政治人物。在内部安全法令下,他在李光耀的牢里度过了17年。

尽管这本书一直被视为是傅树介医生的个人回忆录,但是对他个人的生涯和经历着墨不多。事实就是这样。只是一本精心的杰作和有关替代新加坡的及完整的文件。它根据事实证据,这些证据是附上注释和令人信服的否定了李光耀本人和就像丹尼斯.布拉德沃斯(Denis Bloodworth)似的胡扯谎言。

树介在他的书里写了个各样的东西。在这本书的最后一章,他连贯了自己与挚友们(包括惹耶古玛医生)之间讨论的许多不同课题。尽管他并没有直接说明。我可以肯定他们之间是商量过共同撰写一本有关新加坡的历史。我曾经几次要求惹耶古玛医生纂写有关新加坡的历史,特别是在李光耀统治时期。但是,他一直说自己已经忘记了其中许多事情,和需要树介的帮忙。因为他个人认为树介对有关事件的记得很清楚。

我知道他们之间是曾经讨论过这件事。但是,在他们准备开始撰写时,拉惹古玛逝世了。我也听说树介及拉惹古玛的亲密好友林福寿医生,在朋友的劝说下撰写自己的回忆录。同样的,他在极其困难的情况下要开始撰写工作时也逝世了。

这三名医生在政治上的亲密关系是从他们青年学生时代在马来亚大学建立起来的。当时马来亚大学是坐落于在新加坡。事实上,他们在李光耀影响下紧密地涉入新加坡的政治发展。但是,差不多也在这个时候,这三个杰出的医生已经察觉到,事实上李光耀是不可以信任的。

他们说,李光耀就是近乎是一个骗子。他事实上并不是一个社会主义信仰者,但是,他自称是信仰社会主义。他的观点和行为已经说明他根本就不是什么民主人士。他们也是其中一分子怀疑李光耀和英国殖民主义者之间的关系。这三名医生与年轻和具有魅力的林清祥关系密切。林清祥是领导进步职工会的领导者。林清祥与李光耀之间的合作社从人民行动党创立时开始的。但是,最终李光耀背叛了他。他被李光耀关进了监牢。在政治上被李光耀所暗算了。

在拉惹古玛和福寿逝世后,这个艰巨的包袱就落在了树介肩膀上了。他的任务就是撰写出一部完整的新加坡历史。事实上,树介早已经开始这方面的工作了。早在1993年到1994年之间,也就是他第二次被捕监禁6年释放后,树介在他移民到加拿大的途中,在英国伦敦逗留时,他在英国的莎翁公园(Kew Gardens)的档案馆开始进行调查研究工作了。

在那儿,他阅读和收集了所有翻阅的资料,同时也记录下所有相关的资料。他把这些记录下的笔记资料也与拉惹古玛和福寿分享。毫无疑问,这些资料对于他后来撰写这部巨著是起着极其重大的作用的。树介并没有立即开始撰写。我置信,他是因为自己的两名战友的逝世激发了他的纂写工作。

在这期间,陈仁贵,他是一名律师。早期是马来亚大学社会主义俱乐部的主席。他与树介一样计划完成一部有关社会主义俱乐部的著作。在本书以《花惹风云与李光耀时代》为名于2009年出版了。《花惹》(马来文译为“黎明”)是一份马来亚大学社会主义俱乐部的月刊。由于后来陈仁贵的视觉逐渐退化后,他不仅是向树介索取集辑的长篇文章,而且成功的说服了他成为共同的编辑。早些时候,他准备出版一本纪念林清祥的书籍。这本书的名字为:《天空中的一颗彗星:林清祥的历史》。树介并没有参与。但是,后来他参与了编辑工作。他在这本书修订本写了一篇序言。

树介和仁贵也共同编辑了《新加坡1963年冷藏行动50周年纪念》这本书。这本书是为了纪念50年前超过100名左翼的主要政治人物和工会分子遭受大规模的被被捕和长期监禁的事件。这些人是在反对李光耀推动新加坡加入马来亚的假全民投票后被捕。这本书包括了叙述和分析了一些被捕者的经验。这本书也附录了自1948 年紧急法令以来被捕者的名单。这本书是在仁贵逝世后两年出版的。

晚些时候,树介为《新曼德拉( New Mandala)》杂志撰写了一些文章。他的这些文章是反驳新加坡驻澳大利亚最高专员的。文章暴露了在李光耀政权的统治下新加坡政府已经公然承诺的一些政治欺瞒。我敢说,这些文章,包括他早期协助编辑那些书籍时的供稿,除了为他提供所需的 实践之外,更重要的是给他决心来完成这本书。

但是具有讽刺意义的是,树介对此没有信心以为他能够取得这将成为自己生命中的理想。尽管如此,正如他自己承认的,他的编辑团队和一些朋友给予他提供了很大的帮助。他的一位最接近的朋友看着这本书出版过程中的每一个阶段的进展。坦率的说,如果没有其中一名编辑孔丽莎博士的协助,这本书无法看到今天面世的光景。

孔丽莎博士不仅仅是编辑树介撰写的文章,同时,以学术资料作为支持这些文章以及为文章提供无数注脚。这一切有助于丰富了树介早些时候在莎翁园(英国档案馆)所收集的资料。但是,我可以肯定,孔丽莎博士将是第一位知道《生活在欺瞒年代》的确是树介个人不懈努力的结果。这本书最重要的内容是建立在树介个人在新加坡的回忆、观察事物和分析当时的时局。当然,孔丽莎博士和其他人也协助树介对文章进行修饰。

正如我早些时候所说的,树介并没有在这本书里着重于撰写有关他个人的事。事实上,他也确实明显的回避这方面的问题。他撰写有关自己的事的那部分只是在第8章:《我和医疗》。在这一章里,他叙述了有关他介绍了有关作为一个实习医生进行手术工作的经验。后来他在2名著名外科医生,一名是外国人,另一名是本地医生的指导下成为了初级医生。这说明他是热爱自己的专业的,为了自己能够参与政治活动他不得不放弃自己所热爱的专业。

在这本书的第一页的第一章是《家庭关系》。我想,他会撰写关于自己以及特别是自己家族的核心关系。相反地,他却全部撰写有关他的外祖父陈嘉庚的光辉事迹。这是因为树介被捕的其中一条罪状的映射他外祖父是一个共产党员,他与“红色中国”政府有联系。事实上,这是一个极其莫名其妙的指责。后来,当新加坡政府反过来在行动上颂扬陈嘉庚时,他们对树介的这项指控却从来被没有收回。

李光耀摆脱不了的最大痴念就是尽力的维持自己的独裁政权。他不能或者无法容忍任何批评或者反对他的人。他经常把这些批评或者反对他的人视为罪状首要推翻他。他经常指责他反对者是共产党员或者是亲共分子。还有其他的指责是涉及马来亚民族解放阵线(MNLF)活动和欧洲共产党企图颠覆政府,或者被指控是马克思阴谋和其他等等。李光耀就是在这些籍口下引用内部安全法令逮捕和监禁他的反对者。这些被捕者监禁的时间相当得长。

在马来西亚,据我所知,在内部安全法令下被监禁最长时间的政治拘留者是15年。但是在新加坡超过这样长(15年)的时间的政治拘留者是极其普通的事。树介、赛.查哈利被监禁了17年,林福寿医生是20年。还有其他更多的人,如谢太宝是不经审讯超过27年。他比南非的曼德拉被监禁的时间还要来得长。谢太宝是世界上有良知犯人被监禁最长时间的。

总的来说,就我所知只有文莱人民党的政治犯被监禁的时间与新加坡的政治犯一样长。特别是在李光耀的统治下。在精神上和肉体上折磨撰写政治犯已经是极其普通的了。在新加坡比这些还有过之而不及,这包括了通过医药上虐待而导致加重了对政治犯的痛苦。

林清祥说过,在给他服食了过量的某种药物后使他产生抑郁症后导致他要自杀。另一方面,树介对于他严重的否认或拖延到某个程度也受到过这样的对待和药物,结果造成了的脑死一个短暂时间。请您注意看看树介——他是从死亡边缘走回来的!但是,他今年是84岁了,他看去还是一个年轻人和决心为正义而战和反对世界上各种的被压迫现象,特别是新加坡。

他为此进行斗争的方式就是写作。他在《生活在欺瞒年代》这本书里展现了自己。他通过引用从莎翁殖民地办公室事实的资料、新加坡国会议事记录、剪报和自己整理和时事分析等资料撰写出一本完整和具有挑战性的新加坡历史的另一面。

他已经足以揭穿和暴露李光耀这些年来可以如何通过使用诡计和欺瞒的手段以生存的专制统治。我不想在这里列举这些事实了。因为孔丽莎博士已经这本书的导言里简述了。我建议你们不要按照书本的循序阅读,先把这本书全部读完,然后,再去读孔丽莎博士的导言。我个人认为,这样将有助于,也是有助于我抓住树介的这本巨著的全部含义和意义的核心。

正如前面所说,树介已经贡献和共同与仁贵在2011年一起编辑出版的《花惹年代》(Qwee the Fajar Generation)和在2013年出版的《新加坡1963年冷藏行动50周年纪念》(The 1963 Operation Cold Store)。他也同时在2015年出版了《天空中彗星》(Comet in Our Sky)。除此之外,他也出版了其他的著作,如在2009年出版的《我们的思想是自由的,诗歌和散文在监牢和驱逐》(Our Thoughts Are Free, Poems and Prose on Imprisonment and Exile)、2010年出版的《蓝色栅门外:一个政治犯的回忆录》(the Blue Gate: Recollection of a Political Prisoner)、2010年出版的《五一三年代:1950年代的华校中学生运动和新加坡政治》(The May 13 Generation: The Chinese Middle School Student Movement and Singapore Politics in the 1950s)

树介把这些著作称为挑战性历史。在李光耀的统治下大多数新加坡人,特别是政治拘留者已经被迫使噤声了一个很长的时期了。他们出版的书籍做出了明确的反驳。现在人们已经开始说话了。这些书籍的出版赋予了人们勇气和力量。它们为新加坡的政治历史还提供了另一个视角,更真实的观点,

在傅树介的著作《生活在欺瞒的年代》的出版后,在新加坡的反抗史的写作可以说已经达到了顶峰。这本书与其他上述所说的书籍有助于打开了解新加坡人民历史另一面的真实的事实。事实与激情的时代已经到来了,它将替代昔日的独裁者李光耀罪恶多端的诡计与欺瞒。

注:

2016年4月2日在吉隆坡八打灵再也举行的傅树介医生新书《生活在欺瞒年代》发布会上赛.胡申阿里是其中的一名受邀发言的嘉宾。以下是他的演讲稿。

.胡申阿里获取了马来亚大学(新加坡分校)学士和硕士学位。他的博士学位是在伦敦经济与政治学院获得的。他是前马来亚大学(吉隆坡)的人类学和社会学的教授。目前他说马来西亚人民公正党(Parti Keadilan Rakyat ,PKR)副主席。他的著作有:《马来亚农民社会和它的领导层》(Malay Peasant Society And Leadership (1975));《双面:不经审讯(1996年)》 (Two Faces: Detention Without Trial (1996));《种族关系在马来西亚:和谐与冲突(2008)》( Ethnic Relations in Malaysia: Harmony and Conflict (2008))和《马来人:他们的问题和未来(2008)》 (The Malays: Their Problems and Future (2008))

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相关链接:傅树介医生于2016年4月2日在马来西亚八打灵再也举行新书《生活在欺瞒的年代》讲话网址:
https://wangruirong.wordpress.com/2016/04/05/

Truth and inspiration replacing deceit and deception

Posted on FUNCTION 8 April 6, 2016 by fn8org

Noted

Syed Husin Ali was one of the speaker at the launch of “Living in a Time of Deception” on 2 April 2016 at Gerak Budaya in Petaling Jaya. This is the transcript of his speech.

Syed Husin Ali obtained his BA and MA from the University of Malaya (Singapore) and his PhD from the London School of Economics and Political Science. He was a former professor of anthropology and sociology at the University of Malaya (Kuala Lumpur). He is currently the deputy president of Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR). He is the author of numerous books including Malay Peasant Society And Leadership (1975), Two Faces: Detention Without Trial (1996), Ethnic Relations in Malaysia: Harmony and Conflict (2008) and The Malays: Their Problems and Future (2008)

塞胡申阿里

I am very honoured for being invited this morning to launch the book Living in a Time of Deception by Poh Soo Kai. I finished reading this book in three days. Once I started, I could not put it down. I found it to be an exceptional work of great historical significance and value. Dr Poh Soo Kai is an outstanding political figure who survived courageously 17 years of severe confinement, in several of Lee Kuan Yew’s prisons, under the draconian Internal Security Act (ISA).

Although this book is often referred to as Poh Soo Kai’s memoir, it does not concentrate mainly on his personal life and experiences. Indeed it is much more than that. It is a meticulously written and well-documented alternative history of Singapore. It presents factual evidences which are well-annotated and convincingly negate the lies and deceptions of the so-called Singapore story perpetrated by the writings of the Prime Minister himself and his hacks, the like of which was Denis Bloodworth.

Soo Kai writes about all kinds of thing in his book. In the last chapter he relates about discussion on different types of subject he had with his bosom friend, Dr Rajakumar. Although he does not mention it, I am sure they had discussed about writing together a history of Singapore. I had several times urged Rajakumar to write a history of Singapore, especially under Lee Kuan Yew. But he kept on saying he had forgotten many things and would need the help of Soo Kai, whom he considered to have very good memory of events.

I know that for a while both of them did talk about this project. But before they could start writing, Rajakumar passed away. I also heard that Dr Lim Hock Siew, who was also very close to Rajakumar and Soo Kai, was finally persuaded by friends to write up his memoir. But before he had hardly begun, Hock Siew too passed on.

These three doctors, who became close political associates from their young student days in the University of Malaya, which was situated in Singapore then, followed closely, in fact, involved themselves intimately with the development of Singapore politics under Lee Kuan Yew. But almost right from the beginning, this brilliant threesome had already sensed that Kuan Yew could not and, in fact, should not be trusted.

They saw Kuan Yew as almost a fraud; he was not a socialist as he claimed to be, and he was not at all democratic in his views and practices. There are also some who suspected the nature of his relationship with the British colonialists. The three young doctors were closer to the youthful and charismatic Lim Chin Siong, as well as the progressive trade union movement that he led. Chin Siong cooperated with Kuan Yew at the beginning of the PAP days, but he was later betrayed, imprisoned and politically assassinated by the prime minister.

With the demise of Rajakumar and Hock Siew, the burden fell on Soo Kai to undertake the task of completing an alternative Singapore story. Actually, Soo Kai had begun earlier than that. In about 1993-94, some time after his release from second period of six year detention, Soo Kai was on his way to migrate to Canada. He stopped in London to do research in the Colonial Records Office at Kew Gardens.

There he studied and collected documents that had been opened, and jotted down notes that he shared, among others, with Rajakumar and Hock Siew. There is no doubt all these helped him a great deal when writing his magnus opus later. Soo Kai did not write immediately, but I have no doubt that the death of his two great friends spurred him on.

Meanwhile, Tan Jing Qwee, a lawyer who had been President of the University Socialist Club, like Soo Kai, was planning to compile a book on the club. This was published in 2009 under the title of Fajar Generation. Fajar (the Malay word for Dawn) was of course the monthly that the Club produced. Jing Qwee, who was then getting blind, not only managed to get a long essay for the volume from Soo Kai, but also succeeded to persuade him to be joint editor. Earlier, when Jing Qwee was preparing a memorial volume on Lim Chin Siong, under the title of Comet in our Sky: Lin Chin Siong in History, Soo Kai did not participate. But later he edited, with an introduction, a revised edition of the book.

Soo Kai and Jing Qwee also jointly edited The 1963 Operation Cold Store in Singapore. This was to mark the 50th anniversary of mass arrests and long detentions of more than a hundred mainly left wing politicians and trade unionists not long after the phony referendum that was engineered by PM Lee Kuan Yew for the merger of Singapore with Malaya. This book contains narrations and analyses of experiences of some of the detainees and a full list of political detainees since the Emergency in 1948. It was published in 2003 about two years after Jing Qwees’s death.

Much later Soo Kai wrote a couple of articles for the journal New Mandala, where he debated with the Singapore High Commissioner in Australia, and exposed several political deceptions that the Singapore government had blatantly committed under Kuan Yew’s authoritarian regime. I dare say that these articles, together with those he contributed to the books he helped to co-edit earlier, provided him with the necessary practice, and more importantly, the determination to complete his book.

But ironically, Soo Kai was not fully confident that he would be able to achieve what had become his life’s ambition. Nevertheless, as he openly admits, his editors and some other friends provided him with great help. A very close friend of Soo Kai who practically saw almost every stage in the development of the book, candidly told me that without the help Dr Hong Lysa, one of the editors, the book might not have seen the light of day in its present form.

Lysa not only edited what Soo Kai wrote but also buttressed them with academic research materials and also numerous foot-notes, which enriched those notes that Soo Kai had much earlier gathered in Kew Gardens. But I am sure that Lysa would be the first person to acknowledge that Living in a Time of Deception is indeed the result of Soo Kai’s own tireless effort. The main content of this book is based on Soo Kai’s memory, observation and analyses of the time that he lived in Singapore. Lysa and the others of course helped to refine it.

I mentioned earlier that in this book Soo Kai did not concentrate on writing about himself, in fact, he appeared to avoid doing this. The closest that he came to writing about himself is in Chapter 8, entitled Medicine and Me. Here he describes his experiences undertaking operations as a houseman and later a junior doctor under two well-known surgeons, a foreigner and a local. It shows his love for the profession, which he had to give up owning to his involvement in politics.

he first chapter of this book is entitled Family Ties. I thought he would write about himself and his relationship particularly with his nuclear family. Instead, he writes almost entirely about his illustrious grandfather, Tan Kah Kee. This is all because one of Soo Kai’s allegations for detention implied that his grandfather was a communist by association with the government of “Red China”. This is indeed a very cheap allegation. Much later when the Singapore government turned around and practically honoured Tan Kah Kee, this allegation against Soo Kai was never removed.

Lee Kuan Yew’s greatest obsession was to preserve his dictatorial regime. He could not and did not tolerate any criticism or opposition, which he believed were often aimed at toppling him. He always accused his opponents as being communists or pro-communists. There were also other variations, such as involvement with the Malayan National Liberation Front (MNLF) activities and with Euro-communists to undermine the government, or being members of a Marxist conspiracy and so forth. With these accusations Kuan Yew easily used the Internal Security Act (ISA) to arrest and imprison his opponents. The periods of imprisonment have been very long for them.

In Malaysia, to my knowledge, the longest a person had been detained under the ISA was for 15 years. But in Singapore it is common for political detention to go beyond this length of time. Soo Kai, like Said Zahari, was incarcerated for 17 years and Dr Lim Hock Siew for 20 years. There were many more. Chia Thye Poh who was detained without trial for about 27 years, suffered much longer than President Mandela. He is one of the longest prisoners of conscience in the world. What is my six years by comparison?

Collectively I know of only Parti Rakyat political prisoners in Brunei who have been incarcerated as long as the political prisoners in Singapore, especially under Lee Kuan Yew. The stories of physical and mental tortures are common among political prisoners. In Singapore, in addition to these, there are also tales of medical mistreatment that have led to additional sufferings of ailing detainees.

Lim Chin Siong was said to have been given overdose of a certain type of drug for his depression that it caused him to become suicidal. Soo Kai, on the other hand, had the treatment and medication for his severe sinus denied or delayed to the extent that it resulted in him being brain dead for a short while. Look carefully at Soo Kai; he came back almost from the dead! But at his age of 84 years now, he is still a young, strong and determined to fight for justice and against oppression the world over, especially in Singapore.

 One of the ways he does this is through writing. He has demonstrated this by his book Living In a Time of Deception. By using factual records from the Colonial Office, Hansard of Singapore Parliament, newspaper cuttings and his own recollections and analyses of the time, Soo Kai has been able to write a comprehensive and challenging alternative history of Singapore.

He has been able to uncover and expose the deceits and deception of Lee Kuan Yew to survive his years of authoritarian rule. I do not wish to enumerate all these here. They have been summarised well by Lysa in her introduction to the book. I suggest that you read fully the book first and then revert to the Introduction, and not go according to the sequence of the book. The introduction, I think, will help you, as it had helped me, to grasp the full meaning and significance of Soo Kai’s great work.

As I explained earlier, Soo Kai had contributed to and co-edited with Jing Qwee the Fajar Generation (2011) and The 1963 Operation Cold Store (2013). He also published a new edition Comet in Our Sky (2015). Besides these there are also other works such as Our Thoughts Are Free, Poems and Prose on Imprisonment and Exile (2009), Beyond the Blue Gate: Recollection of a Political Prisoner (2010) and The May 13 Generation: The Chinese Middle School Student Movement and Singapore Politics in the 1950s (2011).

Soo Kai called these writings defiant history. They defied Kuan Yew’s regime under which most Singaporeans, especially ex-detainees, have been forced into silence for a long time. The people have now spoken. These works have given many of them new courage and strength. They have also provided another perspective, a more truthful perspective, to Singapore’s political history.

With the publication of Poh Soo Kai’s Living in a Time of Deception, the writing of defiant history in Singapore can be said to have reached its zenith. This book together with those mentioned above, have helped to open the window to understanding the true facts on the alternative people’s history of Singapore. The time of truth and inspiration has arrived, to replace the deceit and deception perpetrated by Sir Harry Lee Kuan Yew, the erstwhile dictator of Singapore.

Noted

Syed Husin Ali was one of the speaker at the launch of “Living in a Time of Deception” on 2 April 2016 at Gerak Budaya in Petaling Jaya. This is the transcript of his speech.

Syed Husin Ali obtained his BA and MA from the University of Malaya (Singapore) and his PhD from the London School of Economics and Political Science. He was a former professor of anthropology and sociology at the University of Malaya (Kuala Lumpur). He is currently the deputy president of Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR). He is the author of numerous books including Malay Peasant Society And Leadership (1975), Two Faces: Detention Without Trial (1996), Ethnic Relations in Malaysia: Harmony and Conflict (2008) and The Malays: Their Problems and Future (2008)

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Related link: book launch in Petaling Jaya on 2 April 2016

https://youtu.be/ZVn_9mtG9bU