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(中/英文版)傅树介医生于2016年4月2日在马来西亚八打灵再也举行新书《生活在期满的年代》发布会讲话 DR. Poh’s speech in book launch in Petaling Jaya on 2 April 2016

傅树介医生于2016年4月2日在马来西亚八打灵再也举行新书《生活在欺瞒的年代》发布会讲话

八打灵再也新书发布会讲话

(/英文版)傅树介医生于201642日在马来西亚八打灵再也举行新书《生活在欺瞒的年代》发布会讲话

傅树介医生于201642日在马来西亚八打灵再也举行新书《生活在欺瞒的年代》发布会讲话

主持人,朋友们和同志们,我在此感激各位出席我的历史回忆录新书:《生活在欺瞒的年代》的发布会。

在今年213日,这本书在新加坡举行发布会时,我们在克服许多困难后才寻获新书发布会的地点。

新加坡医药协会无理的拒绝我申请在这个会所举行新书发布会——我是一名医生和在当地大学毕业的学生。在技术关系上,我申请租赁医药协会会所为自己的回忆录举行新书发布会是理所当然的,因为我应该被视为是医药协会的老校友

接着,当我们尝试向新加坡中华总商会申请租赁嘉庚堂举行新书发布会地点时,我们的申请又被拒绝了。在新加坡医药协会拒绝了我的申请后租赁,还有哪些地点是适合于这本书举行新书发布会的呢?因为是陈嘉庚的外孙,最适合的地点就是在中华总商会的嘉庚堂。

我们终于在2016213日找到了在新加坡假日酒店举行新书发布会。犹有甚者我们的租赁金是相对得低廉的。但是,我们并不把获得举办的地点视为幸运或者吉利的。

但是出席在这次新书发布会的反应是极其良好和热烈的!

在新书发布会举行后的整整一个月,新加坡的主流媒体海峡时报终于决定评述这本书了。它称赞了这本书。它给予了客观的非敌对的评论。这是受到我们尊敬的。我们并为此感到特别的高兴。因为正如我在大约1954 年出版的花惹季刊所说的,海峡时报给予的吻是一个死亡的吻。我现在必须很小心这种被选择起来的共同合作。

尽管如此,今天我的这本书在新加坡已经成为最畅销的书。

××××××××××××××××

但是那些对新加坡的历史不是那么感兴趣的马来西亚人,我今天要向出席这个发布会在座的各位出席, 讲述有关新加坡加入马来西亚和随后又退出马来西亚的这一阶段的历史。

为什么英国人在1963年要推动马来亚半岛和新加坡岛的合并是整个问题的核心,这是他们为了确保有效地使用在新加坡的军事基地。

在二次世界大战之后。英国人面对着经济紧缩资金匮乏和无法为此散布在世界各地的军事基地情况下,他们仍然决意要保留新加坡这个军事基地在自己的控制下。

在二次世界大战结束后, 他们立即炮制了一个不包括新加坡在内的马来亚联邦。他们把新加坡紧紧的控制在自己的手里。这一点我们可以从麦克迈克尔条约(MacMichael Treaty)里所阐述的观点看的到。在马来亚半岛和新加坡的人民反对英国人的这一决定,他们在19471020日爆发了一场席卷全马和新加坡的罢 市、罢工、罢课的运动(Hartal movement),要求实现一个统一和进步的马来亚。他们的这一诉求被英国人拒绝了。

英国人之所以要把新加坡 的军事基地控制在这个地区,是因为风起云涌的反殖民地运动席卷了整个远东地区,而导致毛泽东在中国取得了政权和苏卡诺在印度尼西亚取得了政权。这是在亚洲 拥有最多的人口的两个国家。对于在二次战后野心勃勃的英帝国主义者来说是一个极其明显的威胁。因为英国人在新加坡的军事基地是整个问题的核心。

英国的档案资料披露了,英国人在远东区其中的一个战略目标是为此一个建立的瞄准中国的核子武器。为此,在1961年,英国人在新加坡的军事就已经建立以核武设备工厂使之有能力肩负起对准这个的目标。与此同时,英国人采取了更加积极的立场去推翻印尼的苏卡诺政府。

新加坡军事基地扮演的积极角色就是有利于英国人调动军队维护去镇压在1962年的文莱军事起义。

但是,当英国人看到了芳林区与安顺区的补选左翼取得胜利,这意味是1961年新加坡的左翼力量开始复苏。为此,它们对在新加坡的英国军事基地是否继续发挥其作用已经无法确定了。正如他们自己形容的这是:敌对的当地居民

1961年,李光耀政府似乎无法抵挡广泛的左翼力量号召争取独立和拥有内部安全。新加坡作为一个英国的军事基地,仍然需要评估其扮演在区域里对付中国和印尼角色,它必须在不同的安排下获得保护。

因此,英国人从纸箱里拿出了马来西亚合并的建议。让这个计划给了一个除尘,并让它进入快速车道上。英国人驻新加坡的最高专员薛尔克爵士(Lord Selkirk)非常清晰地说,

新加坡加入马来西亚联邦计划是一个不可商量的条件的新政治实体。

就马来亚东姑而言,

他对一个左翼的华人居多的新加坡并不感兴趣。英国人必须用北婆罗洲的领土,也就是现在的沙巴和沙捞越成为马来西亚的一部分作为诱饵说服他同意。

就李光耀而言,

左翼在不久前通过选举(即芳林区和安顺区补选)所取得的胜利的压力下,他希望通过合并,东姑将会为他逮捕在新加坡的左翼反对派。

但是,东姑厌恶李光耀这种想法,并不愿意这么做。最终,于196322日进行的冷藏行动是在英国、马来亚和新加坡三方共同负责下摧毁了新加坡的左翼运动。

到了这里,我们可以看到在涉及成立马来西亚的问题上三方并未有为了一个国家的共同看法与意愿,而是纠集在一起完全就是为了各自的目的吧了。

在新加坡加入马来西亚 后,李光耀就寻求要取代东姑在联合政府的华人伙伴陈修信和马华公会。明显的,李光耀并不是反对一个马来西亚的共同理想和原则。但是,当天无法说服东姑抛弃 陈修信时,他决定将通过参加在1964年举行的马来西亚全国大选向东姑证明,他可以号召并获得比马华国会更多的华人支持。他向东姑保证将参与紧接着合并后 即将来临的大选。李光耀食言了。让李光耀而言惊愕的是,在1964年的大选结果是惨败。他只在派出的5名候选中赢得1席。李光耀在马来西亚是凝视着一片凄 凉暗淡的未来。

面对着这个迷茫的前途,李光耀是时候与时任英国驻新加坡最高专员公署PBC墨里。他告诉墨里,

假设他在马来西亚无法立足,那么,马来西亚的成功几率将会是渺茫的。

薛尔克勋爵以敏锐观察力察觉到:

最终李光耀在马来西亚将借助于种族主义政治,并企图和预期马来西亚巫统将会报复,接着(种族主义政治)将在这个社会蔓延开来。这就是导致1964年在新加坡发生的暴动。

196412月,在这个不愉快的国家发生了这件事。东姑写信给李光耀建议,他们之 间需要讨论有关在宪法上重新划定连个地区(指马来亚半岛与新加坡之间)的界线,这样就不需要把新加坡划分出去管理。英国人迅速改变了继续需要在新加坡的基 地,然而,并不是为了干预事件。东姑已经失去了权利与李光耀讨论如何有关在宪法上重新安排划定地区的建议了。

第一次干预事件是于196412月。中国成功试爆了第一颗原子弹。接着,新加坡的军事基地存在的目的是要通过核威慑遏制中国就成摆设了

第二次干预事件上述有关 苏卡诺即将到来的失败。于196412月,英国人相对的有信心他们在印尼的阴谋将会得逞,这将导致苏卡诺政权的下台。在1965年正月,苏卡诺本身已经 在自己的演讲中预感到,今年是一个危险的一年。苏卡诺政权终于无法为此到1965年。从这2个因素分析,英国人使用在新加坡的军事基地有利意义已经消 失了。英国人向东姑提议让东姑与李光耀之间展开探讨重新安排有关马来亚与新加坡之间的问题。这是发生在大约1964年末到1965年初之间的事。

在这个阶段仍然是在探讨有关东姑继续掌握着国防及外交的课题,只有部分自治的形式给予新加坡。无论如何,于19657月,当苏卡诺的下台已经不可逆转了,新加坡从马来西亚分割出去——这个有利于李光耀的选择已经在敦拉萨与吴庆瑞之间谈判中开始提出来了。

为了加速有关(新加坡从马来西亚)分离谈判,行动党于19655月举行了马

来西亚人团结大会。值得注意的是,马来亚的左翼拒绝了邀请参与这个所谓的马来西亚人团结大会。

马来西亚人的马来西 的这个据称是中性的口号掩饰下,这个集会充满了反马来人的路线。这是导致马来人社区与华人社区之间的关系紧张。为了避免未来社区暴力事件的发生,在 19658月终于(新加坡从马来西亚)分离了!——李光耀和吴庆瑞的愿望终于实现 了。但是,李光耀还在电视机前流着鳄鱼的眼泪!

这是个意外的惊喜。对于英国帝国主义在策划下苏卡诺于19659月的倒台(简称“930政变)(我将不会在这里进入)而言似乎是惊呆了。总的来说,英国人继续保留新加坡作为一个军事基地已经没有意义了。

马来西亚的成立不是因为具有任何真正的愿望要建立一个包括马来亚、新加坡、北婆罗洲(即砂拉越和沙巴在内)的国家。它的真正目的仅仅为了保护英国人在新加坡的军事基地。一旦这个使用新加坡军事基地目的已经失去作用了,英国人就收拾包袱回国了

不幸在这个过程中行动党玩弄了制造社区紧张的两面手段的伎俩——通过马来西亚的团结以 及马来西亚人的马来西亚口号煽动华人和马来人沙文主义。这个言行已经加剧长堤两岸社区的紧张关系。(长堤两岸)友好的兄弟关系变成了敌意。今天马来亚和新 加坡之间的分离关系比起1962年更加疏远了。

××××××××××

我将在此结束我讲话。或许,我说一下书里谈到有关统一战线策略的优势问题

我在书里传递了有关任何统一战线策略是错误和有欠理想的印象。我对于在1950年代和1960 年代早期之间有关作用于行动党之间的统一战线提出强烈的批评。

这可能与事实是不一致的。我支持有限度的统一战线的策略。对于一个进步的政党而言,

这是一个具有根本的意义的。这它扩大其成员和选票的途径。这是一个对任何一个进步力量扩大影响力的工具。

我批评余柱业和方庄壁并不是在于那个时候新加坡的历史上是否需要一个统一战线。我的批评是在基于如何建立统一战线。事实上,我并不考虑过有关方庄壁与李光耀之间统一战线,那是因为他的统一战线是违反了统一战线的基本原则的。

统一战线的产生是必须建 立在所有成员一个共同的平台的基础上。当其中的一个(统一战线的)成员背叛了共同的基础、或者攻击、或者削弱其他成员时,最终是享有保护和由此导致内部的 斗争去维护这个共同的承诺的平台。.只有在这个基础上,人们才会被教育去维护这个共同平台和辨别真正为了人民利益的成员和隐藏在统一战线的那些机会主义 者。

但是,余柱业和方庄壁所建立的统一战线并不是遵循这些原则。在1959年,当行动党在公安法令下逮捕学生活动分子时,他们或者左翼并没有站出来表达抗议。

当李光耀没有实现承诺,在1959年取得选举胜利后释放所有政治犯时,他们还是没有提出抗议。

当左翼号召废除公安法令时,李光耀不但没有接受而是通过成立一个毫无实权的咨询委员会取代和废除检讨制度,以便更加严厉实施公安法令,他们还是没有提出反对。

当李光耀禁止林清祥在芳林区补选上台演讲是一个明显要削弱他的影响力时,他们仍然没有提出任何的反对。

同样的情况发生在1961年。当出台限制职工会活动的法律通过时,他们仍然还是没有提出反对。

这一切说明,这 并不是统一战线而是把整体出卖脸。新加坡的左翼运动已经从中吸取了惨痛的经验教训。但是,一朝被蛇咬、十年怕麻绳并不是一个选择。

相关链接:

1.新书发布会现场视频:201642日在马来西亚吉隆坡八打灵再也新书发布会照片:https://youtu.be/ZVn_9mtG9bU

2.傅树介医生及首要嘉宾于2016年2月13日在新加坡新书发布会讲话视频:

https://wangruirong.wordpress.com/2016/02/14/%E4%B8%AD%E8%8B%B1%E6%96%87%E5%AF%B9%E7%85%A7speech-of-dr-poh-soo-kai-at-the-launch-of-his-historical-memoir-living-in-a-time-of-deception-at-holiday-inn-singapore-atrium-on-13-f/

新书发布会地点

Poh’s speech in book launch in Petaling Jaya ,Malaysia on 2 April 2016

 

傅树介医生新书发布会封面

Mr Chairman or Madam Chairwoman, friends and comrades, I wish to thank all of you here for coming to attend this book launch in Petaling Jaya of my historical memoir, “Living in a Time of Deception.”

This memoir was launched earlier this year on 13 February in Singapore. We encountered many difficulties in securing a venue for it.

The Singapore Medical Alumni unceremoniously denied me – a doctor and a local graduate ie technically an “old boy” of the Medical Alumni – the use of its hall to launch my memoir.

Then we were rebuffed by the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce and Industry when we tried to book the Tan KahKee Auditorium. After the rejection by the Medical Alumni, what venue would be more befitting for this book launch than the Tan KahKee Auditorium for I am, after all, Tan KahKee’s grandson.

Finally we managed to launch the book in a Singapore hotel on 13 February. Moreover, we got a cheap rate as the 13th was not considered auspicious or lucky.

But the reception to the book has been good and encouraging!

Exactly one month after its launch, the mainstream newspaper in Singapore, The Straits Times, finally decided to review the book. To its credit, it gave an objective non-hostile review. This makes us respectable! I am not particularly happy because I have said in a Fajar journal around 1954 that

the kiss of The Straits Times is the “kiss of death.” I should now be very wary about being co-opted by the establishment.

Nevertheless, I am pleased that the book is a best seller in Singapore today.

                                                       ***********************

But for my audience today in Malaysia, who are not so interested in Singapore history, I want to talk about the period when Singapore came into Malaysia and the subsequent separation.

The cardinal reason why the British engineered the merger of peninsula Malaya and island Singapore in 1963 was to safeguard the effective use of their military base in Singapore.

After the 2nd World War, the British government was short of cash and unable to maintain most of their military bases scattered around the world, yet it was determined to keep the Singapore military base under its direct control.

This was manifestly clear from the MacMichael Treaty, immediately post 2nd World War, which created the Malayan Union that excluded Singapore, leaving it in British hands.

The opposition of the people in mainland Malaya and island Singapore towards this Malayan Union scheme, as embodied in the nationwide Hartal movement of 20 October 1947 for a unified and progressive Malaya, was completely ignored by the British.

Britain needed to keep the Singapore military base in this region because the spectacular rise of the anti-colonial movement in the Far East had brought Mao Tse Tung to power in China and Sukarno in Indonesia – the two most populous countries of the region. The threat, posed by China and Indonesia to Britain’s imperialist ambitions in the aftermath of World War II, was palpable. Hence, the British military base in Singapore was essential.

The British archive revealed that

one of UK strategic aims in the Far East was to “maintain an independent contribution to the nuclear deterrent against China.” Therefore, by 1961, Britain had stationed planes, capable of carrying nuclear bombs aimed at China, in its Singapore military base. In the same vein, Britain adopted a very pro-active stance towards Indonesia to topple Sukarno.

The effectiveness of the Singapore base in advancing British interests was certainly demonstrated in the role it played in dispatching troops to squash the Brunei rebellion in December 1962. ‘

However, with the resurgence of the left-wing in Singapore in 1961 as seen in the electoral victories in Hong Lim and Anson, Britain was not at all assured that its military base in Singapore would be effective in what the British referred to as “a sea of hostile local population.” .

In 1961, Lee Kuan Yew’s government seemed unable to resist the popular left-wing forces calling for independence and control of internal security. As the Singapore military base was still necessary in Britain’s strategic evaluation of the region against China and Indonesia, it must now be protected under a different arrangement.

Britain, therefore, took the Malaysia merger proposal out of the cupboard, gave it a dusting and put it on fast track. Lord Selkirk, the British High Commissioner, made it exceedingly clear that

the merger of Singapore into Malaysia was a non-negotiable term of the new political entity.

As far as the Tunku in Malaya was concerned,

he was not keen to have what he saw as “a left-wing and Chinese majority” Singapore. The British had to entice him by including the Borneo territories of present day Sabah and Sarawak in the Malaysia package.

As for Lee Kuan Yew under threat from the recent left-wing electoral victories, his hope was that

with merger, the Tunku would arrest his left-wing opponents in Singapore for him. But the Tunku would not take that odium for Lee. Finally, Operation Coldstore of 2 February 1963 was a tripartite undertaking of the British, Malaya and Singapore that crippled the open democratic left-wing movement of Singapore.

As we see from here, the three parties involved in setting up Malaysia had no vision of forming a nation; they came together for political reasons of their own.

Once inside Malaysia, Lee Kuan Yew sought to replace Tan Siew Sin and the MCA as the Tunku’s Chinese partner in the Alliance coalition. Clearly Lee was not against the communal politics of Malaysia in ideology or principle. However, when he failed to persuade the Tunku to let go of Tan Siew Sin, he then decided that he would enter the Malaysian general election of 1964 to prove to the Tunku that he commanded more Chinese support than the MCA even though he had promised the Tunku that he would not take part in that election coming so close on the heel of merger. Lee broke his word. To Lee’s consternation, the PAP failed miserably in the 1964 general election, winning only one out of five seats contested. Lee was staring into a bleak and dim future in Malaysia!

At this juncture, it is timely to recall an earlier conversation Lee had with PBC Moore, then acting British High Commissioner in Singapore, in which he informed Moore that

if he had  no place in Malaysia, the odds for success of Malaysia would be nil.

Lord Selkirk, in his clairvoyance, had indicated that

in such an eventuality, Lee Kuan Yew would resort to racial politics in Malaysia, and as intended and expected, UNMO would retaliate and communal sparks would fly. And thus was ignited the July 1964 rioting in Singapore.

It was in this unhappy state of affairs that in December 1964, the Tunku wrote to Lee, suggesting that they should discuss the possibility of constitutional rearrangement between the two territories that did not necessarily hive off Singapore. However had it not been for intervening events that were fast changing Britain’s continuing need for the base in Singapore, the Tunku would have been powerless to propose any constitutional re-arrangement with Lee.

The first intervening event was that by October 1964, the Chinese had exploded its first atomic bomb. As a consequence, the Singapore military base’s raison d ’etre to contain China by nuclear deterrence was moot.

The second intervening event was the impending downfall of Sukarno. By December 1964, the British were rather confident that their machinations in Indonesia would be bearing fruit and that the end of Sukarno was round the corner. Even Sukarno himself had premonitions as he entitled his speech in January 1965 as “The year of living dangerously.” Sukarno did not last out 1965. In view of these two factors, the usefulness of the British military base in Singapore was rapidly diminishing; and the British permitted the Tunku and Lee to explore a new arrangement between Malaya and Singapore in the period around the end of 1964 and beginning of 1965.

At this stage, the new arrangement still envisaged defence and foreign affairs to remain in the hands of the Tunku with only some form of autonomy accorded to Singapore. However by July 1965, when it became obvious that Sukarno’s fall was in the cards, the separation of Singapore from Malaysia – an option favoured by Lee Kuan Yew and Goh KengSwee – was raised in the talks between Razak and Goh.

To hasten the pace for separation, the PAP held the Malaysian Solidarity Convention in May  1965. It is to be noted that the left-wing parties in Malaya declined the invitation to participate in this so-called “Malaysian Solidarity.”

Masquerading under a purportedly neutral and inclusive slogan “Malaysia for Malaysians,” the Convention took on an overtly anti-Malay line, resulting in communal tensions between Malays and Chinese. Thus, to prevent further communal violence, in August 1965, separation – as desired by Lee and Goh – became a reality. Yet Lee shed crocodile tears on television! I

By happy co-incidence, as would innocently appear to British imperialist designs, Sukarno fell at the end of September 1965 in the incident known as G3OS (which I will not go into here.) Suffice to say any remaining reason for UK to hold on to the Singapore military base became invalid.

Malaysia had come into being – not because there was any genuine desire to build a nation out of the territories of Malaya, Singapore and the Borneo territories. Its raison d ’etre was solely to protect the British military base in Singapore. Once the usefulness of the base was gone, UK packed up and left.

Unfortunately in the process, the PAP played the communal card to the hilt – whipping up both Chinese and Malay chauvinism – with its Malaysian Solidarity Conference and Malaysian Malaysia slogan. The result has been communal tension, on both sides of the causeway. Friendly fraternal relations gave way to hostility. Malaya and Singapore are much farther apart today than in 1962.

**********

I would have ended my speech here but perhaps there is a chapter in my book on united front tactic that merits mention here.

I could have conveyed the impression that any united front tactic is wrong or undesirable, given my strong criticisms of the united front forged between the left-wing and PAP in Singapore in the late 195 Os and early 60s.

This could not be further from the truth. I support Lmited front tactic as it is an essential means

for a progressive political party to increase its membership and votes; or for that matter, for any progressive group to enlarge its influence.

A united front gives the stage to these progressive forces to reach out and educate a wider population with their pro-people programmes and galvanize them into action. Through a properly conducted united front, the progressive forces can grow from strength to strength.

My criticisms of Eu Chu Yip and The Plen are not over whether or not a united front was historically necessary at that stage in Singapore. My criticisms are based on how that united front was conducted. In fact, I do not consider The Plen’s arrangement with Lee Kuan Yew to be a united front because it goes against the very principles of a united front.

A united front is formed by diverse parties based on a common platform. Should a party betray the common platform or attack or weaken another component party, the latter is entitled to protest and bring this internal struggle to the constituencies supporting the common platform. It is only in this manner that the people are educated to defend the common platform and distinguish between those genuinely serving the people and those who are opportunists within the united front

But the united front conducted by Eu and The Plen did not abide by these principles. In 1959, when the PAP arrested student activists under the PPSO (equivalent of the ISA today), there were no protests from Eu or The Plen or the left-wing forces;

When Lee Kuan Yew did not release all political prisoners as he had promised he would should he win the elections of 1959, there were again no protests;

The left-wing called for the abolition of the PPSO; instead Lee Kuan Yew tightened the PPSO by abolishing the review boardand replacing it with a toothless advisory board – again no protest;

When Lee Kuan Yew prohibited Lim Chin Siong from speaking at the Hong Lim by elections in a blatant attempt to curtail Chin Siong’s influence, there was again no protests;

The same occurred in 1961 when restrictive trade union laws were passed – again no protest.

This is not united front tactic but a wholesale selling out. The progressive forces of Singapore learnt it the hard way. Yet “once bitten twice shy” is not an option.

END

Related link: book launch in Petaling Jaya on 2 April 2016

https://youtu.be/ZVn_9mtG9bU


6条评论

制造挑起种族猜疑与不和挽救不了行动党目前的政治困境!

4月1日,全世界爱闹的人都会在这一天设法弄一点语不惊人死不休的事儿,让他周围的亲朋戚友感到惊讶、或者操心、或者担心、或者烦心!咱们习惯叫这一天叫着:愚人节!

在4月2日,他会站出来告诉所有的人:一切都无恙!EVERY  THINGS IS OK!总之,这只是在生活压力下的一种调侃与减压的方式吧了!

在这一天,新加坡也不例外。不!准确的说,不是新加坡人,而是新加坡人民行动党也不例外。它们在这一天也开了一个大玩笑!

他们开什么玩笑?

在2016年4月 1日2016年04月02日2208分主流媒体《早报网》在第一时间发表一篇有关有三名回教学校学生在公共场所遭人袭击。(见:《早报网》:《与回教学校女学生遇袭案有关 一男子被捕》http://www.zaobao.com.sg/realtime/singapore/story20160402-600301

在主流媒体发表了有关事件后。

第一时间、第一个跳出来表态是谁?

就是那个“口快心不直”的内政部长兼律政部长尚穆根。他当晚(4月1日)立即在自己面簿个人页面上贴文指出,这位“正义之士”又是高度发扬他的“正义呼声”:

“但袭击者的动机不详。他也已指示警方介入调查,并将“追究到底,确保正义得以伸张”。

第二位爬出来是谁呢?

是那个叫雅国的。他说:

“这起事件实在令人无法接受,我们绝不能容许任何形式的攻击行为,特别是针对无辜民众。”他也呼吁国人保持冷静和团结,“切勿让这起事件分化我们”。

第三个发出淫叫声的就是那个臭婆娘傅海燕。她说,

“我们绝不能容忍针对无辜的攻击事件……请大家保持冷静、守望相助。我希望干案者能早日绳之以法。”

接着就是那个睡仙张志贤站出来说:

“我们须并肩对抗任何针对无辜民众的暴力,尤其是带有种族和宗教意味的行为。”

(见:《早报网》:http://www.zaobao.com.sg/realtime/singapore/story20160402-600308

陈振声也不落人后说:

“政府和社会大众绝不容忍这类行为”

早报炒作种族主义言论

咱们的法官和检察官也识人性在4月4日案件过堂时说:

 “涉嫌袭击三名回教学校女学生的男子今天被控上国家法院,控方庭上透露,被告在过去五年来报警90次。”

“法官在控方要求下,将他还押心理卫生学院接受精神状况观察,案展4月18日过堂。”(见网址:http://news.omy.sg/News/Local-News/story20160404-417593)

从主流媒体发布新闻上网、行动党的混球们在第一时间“义正言辞”的发表“正义呼声”、到被告家属在网上发帖文、最后被告被拉到行动党的法院提告。一共耗时是多少?

事发的第一时间是:

4月1日早上7.30分到4月2日晚上8.08分到行动党爷们慷概激昂的讲话,全程就是48小时左右。行动党和主流媒体的工作效率是够快的了!

但是,在4月4日,在被告的哥哥代表家人发表“道歉帖子”:

“……我的名字是穆罕默德.佐丹.许。……我的弟弟许永安不是一个种族主义者。他是因为患上精神病。……”

造肆者的哥哥发文

许永安家属发表的帖子为行动党上演的这场闹剧划上了一个休止符!那些扯谈什么:

“追究到底,确保正义得以伸张”、“切勿让这起事件分化我们”、“我们绝不能容忍针对无辜的攻击事件……请大家保持冷静、守望相助”、“我们须并肩对抗任何针对无辜民众的暴力,尤其是带有种族和宗教意味的行为。”、“政府和社会大众绝不容忍这类行为”

 被告哥哥的这句话:

“……我的名字是穆罕默德.佐丹.许。……我的弟弟许永安不是一个种族主义者。他是因为患上精神病。……”

这就像在冬天里已经点燃的火被冰冷的雪水给浇熄了一样!——被告还押精神病院(IMH)!

行动党的爷们,这下可没戏了吧!?是的。是没戏了!现在的问题不是有戏还是没戏!

不知道行动党现在是否会说:

一切都无恙!EVERY  THINGS IS OK!

妓女迎客不嫌脏,戏子唱词不怕黄!

当然行动党还是可以上演新的剧目!

现在的问题是:

行动党人和主流媒体为什么不等警方进行调查有关的案件后对外发布正式消息,就迫不及待的跳出来叫嚣!这是整个核心问题的关键!

以下这三起已经涉及人命关天事件发生已经闹到沸沸扬扬!全世界都已经知道和关心着这三件死亡事件!

  1. 14岁青少年林俊辉跳楼自杀身亡事件从2016年1月26日至今已经整整2个多月了,上面行动党的妓女和戏子都去了哪儿了!(见《人民呼声论坛》:《14岁跳楼身亡青少年林俊辉家人致给社会各界的公开信——人民行动党政府必须就14岁青少年跳楼身亡发表正式声明!》https://renminglishiziliaoaku.wordpress.com/2016/02/04/

  2. 22岁的国民服役青年李瑞峰在军队训练被抛出过多数量的烟幕弹致死事件至今已经能够超过3年了,上面行动党的妓女和戏子都去了哪儿了!(见《人民呼声论坛》:《李瑞峰家属回应国防部的声明》https://renminglishiziliaoaku.wordpress.com/2016/03/29/

  3. 在3月22日在地铁站里在地铁站发生2名青年技术工人进行检修工作时,早打行驶中的地铁列车撞死的事件至今已经超过了   天龙,上面行动党的妓女和戏子都去了哪儿了!(见《人民呼声论坛》:《亲属致SMRT的公开信 》https://renminglishiziliaoaku.wordpress.com/2016/03/24/

但是,至今咋又不见这些行动党混球跳出来叫嚣啊!我们不得不感到蹊跷!事实上一点也不蹊跷!只要大家环视目前行动党所处的政治大环境,一切都清澈见底!

  1. 从上述三起青少年死亡事件曝光到行动党武吉巴督桃色事件发生后,行动党就一直在想尽办法寻找突破口,让自己能够摆脱这场政治漩涡!但是,他们不但无法摆脱,而是泥足深陷!

  2. 行动党现在已经走火入魔了!他们已经不知道自己是谁了?当家的?!还是跟班的?!他们本想通过自揭疮疤来转移对上述两起青少年(林俊辉和李瑞峰)死亡事件所造成被动局面。但是,由于在3月22日又发生了行驶中地铁列车在地铁站内撞死了2名地铁检修技工的死亡事件,让行动党雪上加霜!更加令行动党忐忑不安的是被撞死的2名地铁检修技工是马来族同胞。

枉死青少年破案在哪儿!

在这样的政治漩涡下,行动党到底要如何进行武吉巴督的补选?事实上行动党已经完全乱了方寸乱!

行动党自从宣布接受了王金发因为桃色事件退党并辞去国会议员后,必须根据宪法约定,向国会正式提出有关王金发不再担任国会议员。然后,国会议长依据宪法的约定宣布议席悬空,然后定期举行补选。

然而,随着民主党宣布将派出徐顺全博士参与未来武吉巴督区补选,行动党也不顾一切了!他们被迫急急忙忙从东边的阿裕尼集选区把姆拉里调过来参加武吉巴督区的补选!

简单地说,行动党原本是要通过王金发桃色事件来转移自己在青少年死亡事件不利的政治局面。但是,却被地铁列车撞死2马来同胞事件所覆盖了!

为此,行动党又想在愚人节制造了这条新闻来转移人民对地铁列车撞死2马来同胞事件的注意力。

好了。现在这起事件的家属在网上发表帖子说明了自己是穆斯林教徒、被告是患有精神病的。

行动党原本希望在政治严冬里点燃的这一把火也就被这盆冷水完全给浇熄了!

我们必须提醒行动党的爷们,不要重施李光耀时代在面对政治困境时,经常企图通过制造种族猜疑、或者紧张的局面、或白色恐怖气氛来挽救、或者摆脱自己目前所处的政治困境!这是徒劳的!

至于行动党与民主党在即将来临的武吉巴督补选选情如何?

在目前的政治环境里,行动党自己心里比谁都清楚!