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(中/英文版)余澎杉的政治庇护—内政部歪曲美国法庭的判决 AMOS ASYLUM – Singapore’s Ministry of Home Affairs distorts US court’s decision

余澎杉的政治庇护—

内政部歪曲美国法庭的判决

陈华彪 2017 330      万章翻

新加坡企图摆脱美国法庭给予余澎杉政治庇护的尴尬局面,把判决说成是认可”憎恨性言论”。内政部 宣称:

“收留从事散播憎恨言论的人是美国的特权”,更进一步的警告说 “许多这类的人…故意从事散播憎恨言论者” 将向美国申请庇护。

那篇短短372个字的声明读来幼稚到令人惊讶。内政部笔下的声明中”憎恨言论”这个词汇在每隔一句就出现,一共重复了七次。

它根本没有设法从法理或智理上去反驳判决。

这是糟透的亡羊补牢招数,以煽动憎恨那个年青人的情绪来掩盖政治庇护丑陋的真象。

声明中几乎有一半的篇幅用于重复余澎杉对基督教徒和回教徒反感的叫嚷,美国法庭的判决好象只是涉及表达憎恨言论的自由。

内政部对美国法庭判决的歪曲程度的确令人吃惊。

以新加坡自己的法律尺度来衡量,这等于诋毁美国法庭。这又是另一个新加坡政府如何使用见不得光的诡辨技俩,以烟雾和镜子来扭转不利于新加坡整个司法体系信誉冲击的例子。

恰恰和内政部的诠释相反,这项庇护判决并不是纵容”憎恨言论”。

余澎杉表达的任何”憎恨言论”在美国标准下应否被接受与余澎杉寻求庇护是无关的。 拒绝余澎杉寻求庇护的美国国土安全部(DHS)在法庭上辩说余澎杉是在”普遍适用于所有的人的法律下被控”而不是因为他的政治见解。这也恰好是新加坡的处理方式。

余澎杉诉求成败并不取决于新加坡反对”憎恨言论”的法律依据。 这案件的中心课题是对余澎杉的迫害是否包含政治动机。

法官说,

以”恶毒目地”进行的”以普遍适用于所有人的法律的控告”仍然足以构成迫害。不管是在美国、英国或其他复准1951年有关难民身份公约的国家,这是适用于任何庇护案件的良好法律。

在这类案件中,当寻求庇护者经审讯后被定罪,要证明被提控的背后有恶毒目地往往令律师大费周章的。如果寻求庇护者是来自北韩或津巴布维的话,无疑的这将会比较容易些。

余澎杉的案件是更具挑战性的。和北韩不同,一般上西方认为新加坡是个已确立司法机构的国家。 法官聆听了余澎杉,独立国际人权组织和肯尼斯惹耶勒南的供证。他聆听了Freedom House形容新加坡是”部份自由”的供证。

他也聆听了有关掌权的PAP如何选择性地以例如,煽动、诽谤与”伤害宗教感情”这类能起着威胁和扼杀异议声音作用的法律武器来直接对付反对派领袖。

有关李显龙方面,法官考虑了”人权观察”的供证,说总理李显龙象他的父亲以往的所作所为”实施了绝对控制政治和压制异议声音”的结合手法。

有关新加坡的司法体系,法官也被告知民事诉讼案的结果最终”浮现出司法独立的问题,尤其是反对政府者的法律诉讼往往导至他们破产”。

针对余澎杉被控”散播憎恨言论”这一特定问题,法庭注意到余澎杉八分半钟的《李光耀终于死了》录影中涉及宗教的内容只有三十秒。”

整部录影几乎完全针对 (李光) 耀和新加坡,而宗教的谈论只不过是余用来表明对(李光) 耀不屑的看法。

他总结说

“明显的余因伤害宗教感情和猥亵的起诉只是作为堵死他的意见的籍口”。

判决中对新加坡最不利的关键是

“其他发表毁谤宗教的言论却没有批评新加坡政权的人,并没受到提控”。

这也正是内政部无法解答的问题。

比起因判决而捅开了影响新加坡法治和司法系统马蜂窝的这一事实,内政部对余澎杉获得庇护也许并不是那么的担心。

就余澎杉案件而言,我们现在不必担心因为说了”新加坡政府的刑事提控是一项政治迫害也是政府一手造成的”会诋毁新加坡法庭而遭到起诉。

因为这是美国芝加哥移民法庭法官Samuel B Cole所说的。

AMOS ASYLUM ——
Singapore’s Ministry of Home Affairs
distorts US court’s decision

Tan Wah Piow 31 March 2017

 

Singapore tries to spin out of its embarrassment over the United States court decision to grant asylum to Amos Yee by presenting it as an endorsement of “hate speech”.

The Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) called it

“the prerogative of the US to take in such people who engage in hate speech”, and went on to warn that “many more such people… who deliberately engage in hate speech” would be applying for asylum in the US.

The short 372-word statement sounded astonishingly infantile. It repeated the term ‘hate speech’ on seven occasions, and in every other sentence penned by the MHA.

It was not even an attempt to rebut the judgment jurisprudentially or intellectually. It was just a shabby damage limitation exercise to bury the politically inconvenient truth about the grant of asylum by fanning hatred against the teenager.

Almost half of the statement was devoted to repeating Amos Yee’s objectionable ranting against Christians and Muslims as though the US court judgment was about the freedom to articulate hate speech.

The distortion by the MHA of the US court judgment is appalling. By the yardstick of Singapore’s own law, it amounts to scandalizing the US court.

This is yet another example of how the Singapore government deploys the dark art of sophistry, and the use of smoke and mirrors to deflect the adverse impact of this judgment on the credibility of the entire justice system in Singapore.

Contrary to the MHA spin, this asylum judgment is not about condoning “hate speech”. Whether the “hate speech” articulated by Amos was acceptable by the standards of the United States was not a relevant issue in Amos asylum appeal.

The US Department of Homeland Security [DHS] which refused Amos’ asylum request had argued in court that

Amos Yee was “prosecuted under laws of general applicability” and not because of his political opinions. This also happens to be Singapore’s approach. The success or failure of Amos’ asylum appeal therefore did not hinge on the merits of Singapore’s law against “hate speech”.

The central issue in the case was whether the persecution against Amos was politically motivated.

“Prosecutions under laws of general applicability may still constitute persecution when executed for a “nefarious purpose” said the judge.

This is good law applicable in all asylum cases, whether in the US, UK or countries which ratified the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees.

In a case of this nature where the asylum Claimant was convicted following a trial, it is always a daunting task for lawyers to prove ‘nefarious purpose’ behind the prosecution.

It is no doubt easier if the Claimant is from North Korea or Zimbabwe. Amos’ case is far more challenging as unlike North Korea, Singapore is generally perceived in the West as a country with an established judiciary.

The judge heard evidence from Amos, from independent international Human Rights organizations, and from Kenneth Jeyaretnam. He heard evidence presented by Freedom House which described Singapore as “partly free”. He also heard evidence that the ruling PAP “targets opposition leaders directly by selectively enforcing an arsenal of laws intended to intimidate and stifle dissenting voices, such as sedition, defamation, and wounding religious feelings”. On Lee Hsien Loong, the Judge considered the evidence of Human Rights Watch which stated that Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong “is imposing a mix of absolute political control and repression of dissenting voice… as his father did”.

On the legal system in Singapore, the judge was told that outcomes in civil suits ultimately “raise questions about judicial independence, particularly because lawsuits against government opponents often drive them into bankruptcy.”

On the specific issue of the prosecution of Amos for “hatred speech”, the judge noted that the religious content in Amos’s 8.5 minute video Lee Kuan Yew is Finally Dead was only 30 seconds. “The video is almost entirely about (Lee Kuan) Yew and Singapore, and its discussion of religion were only used to make a point about (Amos) Yee’s dismal opinion of (Lee Kuan) Yew.”

He concluded that

“it is clear that (Amos) Yee’s prosecutions for wounding religious feelings and obscenity was just a pretext to silence his opinions”.

The crux of the judgment which

is most damning to Singapore is that “other people who made disparaging comments about religions but who were not similarly critical of the Singapore regime avoided prosecution”. This is what the MHA failed to address.

The MHA is probably less concerned about Amos Yee being granted asylum than the fact that the Judgment has now opened up a barrel of worms affecting the credibility of Singapore’s legal and judicial system.

We can now say

without fear of being prosecuted for scandalizing the Singapore court that in the case of Amos Yee, “The political persecution was a criminal prosecution by the Singapore Government and was therefore inflicted by the government”. These are the words of Judge Samuel B Cole of the Immigration Court in Chicago.

 

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(英文/中文版)Dr Lim Hock Siew – the resolute and faithful son of the people 刚毅坚贞的人民之子林福寿医生

编者按:

  1. 为纪念已故前社阵杰出领导人、坚贞的人民英雄林福寿医生逝世五周年,林福寿医生生前的战友于20171月出版了《坚贞的人民英雄》;

  2. 《坚贞的人民英雄》是以中英文对照竖版的;

  3. 经《坚贞的人民英雄》编辑部的同意,本网站将分期刊载《坚贞的人民英雄》的文章。

             特此说明。

The People’s Hero’s article 8

 Dr Lim Hock Siew – the resolute and

faithful son of the people

 Ho Yik Meng

Historical background

Malaya after the Second World War went through a historical period that was both deeply unforgettable and deeply touching. On one hand, the British colonialists resorted to the use of high handed rule in a bid to maintain their strategic economic and military interests. On the other hand, the people of Malaya, after going through the suffering and rising in resistance during the Japanese occupation, began to struggle pointedly against the British colonial ruler.  Declassified documents have shown that from the period between 1948 and 1955, a total of about 30,000 patriots were either arrested or forcibly deported by the British colonialists. The British records would brand these anti-British women and men as “bandits” and “terrorists”. In 1954, there came a turning point when middle school students from Chinese schools started the 5.13 student movement. It signaled the beginning of the anti-colonial struggle, fought within the constitutional confine and conducted by the people of Singapore when it was separated from Malaya. They fought for a united, independent, democratic, just and equal Malaya nation that would include Singapore. The anti-colonial fighters would rise one after another to take up position of their fallen comrades in the struggle. They were subject to imprisonment, persecution, deportation and the ultimate sacrifice and they finally achieved the creation of the selfgoverned administration in 1959. Turbulent undercurrent emerged within the anti-colonial movement thereafter. The pro-British Lee Kuan Yew clique openly colluded with the British colonialists and the ruling authorities in Malaya and plotted for a Malaysia that would suppress the leftist forces, paralyze parliamentary democracy, and strip off democratic rights and basic human rights of the people.

It was under this historical background that there emerged, from the English speaking sector in Singapore, an outstanding friend of the people who was fearless to the might of the power that be and who upheld the truth. He was none other than Dr Lim Hock Siew, whose resolve was greatly strengthened by his immense sacrifice. On the day of 2nd February 1963, under the tremendous weight of the popular forces, the British, Malaysia and Singapore authorities were deeply fearful of losing the Singapore general election. They resorted to taking off their hypocritical masks and trampled on their trumpeted “sacred cow” of parliamentary democracy, and made use of the notorious Public Order Preservation Act (predecessor of the Internal Security Act) to wantonly arrest political adversaries and dissidents. The fighters were detained without trials and through indefinite detention, were made to suffer both physical and mental torments and subject to threats and inducements of all sorts, with a view to destroying their political will. The firm and unyielding Dr Lim, who held on to the truth and advocated democracy and human rights, spent 20 years of his life in jail during which he suffered immensely but emerged even stronger. In the eye of the masses, comrades, relatives and those who had fallen ill, Dr Lim was more of a cultured, softspoken, friendly gentleman who exhibited the noble characteristics of a man with great generosity, compassion, encouragement, care and empathy.

Formation of lofty aspirations while still a student

Back in 1931 in a house at Campbell Lane in Little India, a baby was born. That was Lim Hock Siew, who was the third child in the family. There were subsequently 7 more siblings. His father was Dr Lim Hock Siew – the resolute and faithful son of the people illiterate and was a fish monger at Tekka Market who put emphasis on the children’s education. Lim Hock Siew was educated in an English school since young. His study was halted during the Japanese occupation and he had to distribute tapioca and palm oil for a living. He later helped his father selling fish at the market. When the war was over, he enrolled into the nearby Rangoon Primary School to continue for two school terms and then went on to the prestigious Raffles Institution. Being highly intelligent and studious, and with a ferocious appetite for knowledge, the library had become a place for the nourishment of his mind. He participated in school debates and speech competitions, and also became editor of the school magazine. More than only being gifted with eloquence, he excelled in thinking and writing capabilities. Being a child who went through the baptism of war and grew up to be a mature youth early, he said: “The environment in which I grew up had made me realized the problems and difficulties that the poor are facing. That is a lesson in political education in itself.” The young Dr Lim was deeply influenced by Nehru, especially by the letters that the latter wrote to his daughter. Rejecting his school being in awe of the British Empire, Dr Lim had early developed patriotic and people loving aspirations. He cared deeply for the people around him, availed himself to meaningful knowledge, and thought about the future of the country. These were early indications of Dr Lim’s chosen path for his life. The periodduring which he was receiving medical education at the University of Malaya (1951 – 1957) was the crucial time when his political aspirations were formed and his dedication to the country was firmed up.

 Involvement in the anti-colonial movement

Lim Hock Siew was passionate about the medicine subject at the university. By his own words: “It is a humanitarian subject”. When he was in the first year at university in 1951, his course work was very heavy due to the need to catch up with some science subjects which had not been taught at Raffles Institution. In spite of being working hard at his studies, he helped to organize the non-boarding students who made up 40% of the student population. He was a founding member of the Socialist Club of the University of Malaya in 1953, and was a council members of the University of Malaya Students’ Union for three terms, one of which serving as the chairman. In March 1954 the Socialist Club of the University of Malaya was charged with slander by the colonial government for publishing the article (On Aggression to Asia) in the seventh publication of its magazine Fajar (meaning the dawn). Lim Hock Siew scouted around for donations and helped to look for lawyers to represent the affected students. It was then he came to know Lee Kuan Yew who also came from Raffles Institution and who had become a lawyer. During the court trials Dr Lim assumed the responsibilities of being the editing committee member of the Fajar magazine, as well as being the editor of the Students’ Union journal. Lim Hock Siew’s university days coincided with the time when the British colonial authorities were ruling with the Emergency Act to brutally suppress the forces of the people. After a period of relative lull, the anti-colonial movement began to regain its elements. Workers began to unite around their unions and the labor movement was gathering strength. A new batch of progressive students emerged in the University of Malaya. While the anti-vice movement was gathering steam, students from the Chinese schools had awakened in droves when the preparations to set up the Nanyang University had culminated into waves of defending national education. Meanwhile the Socialist Club of the University of Malaya had defeated the colonial government’s judiciary persecution. The ground had been reverberating and finally a breakthrough occurred on 13th May 1954, the May 13 Incident in which Chines school students rose to oppose the military service enactment. Dr Lim Hock Siew described what happened on that day as: “A turning point in the people’s struggle for political freedom and social justice.” At the end of the year the People’s Action Party was formed. Dr Lim, who had interacted with Lee Kuan Yew before, became one of its Dr Lim Hock Siew – the resolute and faithful son of the people founding members. It is apt to say that Dr Lim, by now 23 years old, had ideologically embraced socialism; and politically determined to break free from the British colonialism and to stand together and share the same hardship as the people. Coming from an English educated professional this is indeed a special rarity. From then on Dr Lim’s life had been intertwined with the causes of the people of Malaya and Singapore. When Lee Kuan Yew was still deceitfully masking his pro-British stand, Dr Lim regarded him as a comrade such that he would readily go in and out of Lee’s residence at 38 Oxley Road. During the general election in 1955, Dr Lim assisted Devan Nair in contesting the Farrer Park constituency, and Lim Chin Siong at the Bukit Timah constituency.

In 1956, Dr Lim witnessed firsthand what the police did to the unarmed students and the gathering crowd outside the Chinese High School. The people had conscientiously initiated acts of antipersecution and this led to island wide riots which the British colonialists took full advantage of to suppress and disband labor, farmer, student and cultural organizations. Many patriotic anticolonialist leaders from all ethnicities were arrested, including Lim Chin Sion whom Dr Lim regarded as a “national hero”.

The first party purge by Lee Kuan Yew

The flame for change have been ignited and there was no way it could be extinguished. The anti-colonial forces re-grouped and set off once more. Lee Kuan Yew’s position was challenged in the PAP party convention in 1957, and Dr Lim, who was then working at the General Hospital, did not manage to mediate in-between. Having ulterior motives, Lee rejected the party’s election result, relying on the British to destroy his opponents by throwing them into jail, deportation and marginalization. With the aid from the British, Lee regained control over PAP’s executive committee. He implemented the cadre system in the same year, thus hijacking PAP’s grassroots with undemocratic methods to entrench the party central which was ubservient to him. This had paved the way for his betrayal of the people’s causes and collusion with the British and Malaysian authorities in the later days. The Lee clique thereby deprived Dr Lim and other party members who were upright and outspoken, and even some founding members, of their rights to be qualified as cadres and prevented them from becoming candidates for the legislative council election. After the general election in 1959, the party membership of Dr Lim and some 140 people were annulled without reason. With this Lee walked further down the road of betrayal. In 1961, the British, Malayan and Singapore authorities finally tossed out “Malaysia” with a view to eliminating in one fell swoop the popular forces that were determined to carry on with the anti-colonial struggle. Both Dr Lim and Dr Poh Soo Kai resigned from their posts at the government hospital and jointly set up the Rakyat Clinic. Together with Lim Chin Siong they founded Barisan Sosialis to confront the PAP directly, within the constitutional confine, on the issue of Malaysia and the Merger. Being a central committee member of the

Barisan, Dr Lim saw through the trick of the authorities in Britain, Malaya and Singapore, that they were not striving for a genuine, united and equal merger so that people from across the land could enjoy the same rights accorded to citizens, and the same right of political representation. Rather they all had their own axe to grind, made underhand secret dealings and completely disregarded the longterm interests of the people of Malaya and Singapore. In July 1962, Dr Lim, together with Dr Lee Siew Choh and Woodhull, set off to New York to elucidate the stand of the Barisan Sosialis to the United Nations Colonialism Committee. Dr Lim repudiated Lee Kuan Yew during public debates that:” In our struggle for the genuine unification of the people of Singapore and Malaya, PAP’s merger plan is a step backward, not a step forward.”

Arrest under Operation Coldstore on 2nd February

On one hand playing with merger options, on the other hand using Dr Lim Hock Siew – the resolute and faithful son of the people threats and smears, the PAP regime dishonorably “won” the referendum on merger on 2nd September 1962. In recalling this episode in history, Dr Lim said: “The result of the option A of the referendum did not change our analysis. Barisan had steadfastly proposed to hold a general election so that the people of Singapore could make genuine decision. During the general election we will make full preparations to convince the people of Singapore to give us their mandate to strive for full and complete merger and to achieve independence on the framework of an integrated nation of Malaya.” The expressed views and plans of Dr Lim and other Barisan’s leaders had shown that they were acting within constitutional confine. However, to prevent their predictable election debacle, the PAP regime created a political earthquake on 2nd February 1963 by arresting more than 100 anti-colonial leaders and core members, Dr Lim included, under the so called Operation Coldstore. Dr Lim, a man who was an idealistic and aspiring university graduate, a founding member of PAP, a humanitarian doctor who persisted on serving his patients despite his own illness, a founding member of the Barisan Sosialis, a loyal patriot who opposed a merger plan that would bring calamity to the nation and misfortune to the people, would thus lose his own freedom for 20 solid years, but not 5, 10 or 15 years! What had he done and who had decided he was guilty? Let’s see what Dr Lim himself said: “To take part in politics is to safeguard the people’s interests, to strive to fulfill their wishes. For this I firmly believe that we must be in possession of integrity, intellectual faithfulness and certain basic principles.” He would later pointedly said aloud: “The failure of the merger plan will further exacerbate the gap between the people of Singapore and the people of mainland Malaya. Not only will there be a lost golden opportunity to create a united Malaya nation caused by the opportunistic PAP, the federal government and the British, but also the perspective of the Singapore people regarding the whole of Malaya will be strangled by PAP in order to mask the failure of its merger plan.” The true fact of the history is that Malaysia was not what Lee Kuan Yew had trumpeted it to be “like the sun rising from the east”. The merger of Singapore and Malaya did not even have a “rosy future”. Less than a year after the Merger, Singapore witnessed unprecedented ethnic riots in succession in July and September of 1964. Lee did not have the gut to face up to the reality, but to discard his previous “solemn commitment” and boastful talks. Who in the end had said it right and done it right? Who had acted according to the law? Who had pleaded for the people? Isn’t all this as clear as it can be?

Struggle against persecution in the prison

British declassified documents have shown that Lee was the mastermind behind Operation Coldstore on 2nd February. His selfishness caused him to make use of the colonial era Public Order Preservation Act to conduct arrests in the middle of the night, to wantonly and without court trials imprison and demolish others in jail indefinitely. The British had used this brutal act to maintain white terror for the preservation of the colonial interests. Lee inherited this tool for maximum effect. When Dr Lim was taken away by the secret agents he had been married for less than two years, leaving behind his baby son of five months old. He had been to prisons big and small in Singapore, from Outram Prison, Queenstown Prison, Central Police Station to Changi Prison, Mount Rosie, and Jervois Road residences for home affairs’ senior officers, and Tekong Island. In July 1963, he was transferred to E Hall of Changi Prison and lived among more than 100 political prisoners. Low Tai Thong, a former leader of the labor movement who had been imprisoned for 13 years and then deported by PAP, recalled those days:” Dr Lim was the most respected leader among us political detainees. Being friendly to everyone and carrying no air, he would speak with a soft voice. He would think through issues calmly and comprehensively and would become our think tank and advisor. We would naturally think of approaching him for help or opinion whenever there were personal or family issues that we could not sort out. Being a medical practitioner, Dr Lim Hock Siew – the resolute and faithful son of the people he would become our health advisor, dispensing his professional opinions and care. Dr Lim was also our nutritionist, seeing to it that our daily supply of foodstuff met with the daily basic nutritional requirements.

Under his leadership we lived together with high discipline. All of us would perform our own tasks conscientiously and cooperatively in this collective living, such as preparing for our 3 meals, area cleaning, studying and recreational activities.”

However, the PAP regime would soon make life harsher for the political prisoners, using all ways and means to coerce the detainees to “confess”, “repent” and “make a stand”. Dr Lim had been subject to solitary confinement in the Central Police Station which was dark and filthy, insect-infested, and devoid of reading materials. “This place was not even fit for locking up livestock. The five of us went on a hunger strike. I was admitted to hospital due to bleeding from stomach ulcer”. The persecution by the PAP regime were to further intensify later, treating the political prisoners as criminals and imposed forced labor upon them. They said: “This is one of the training programs for reform….doing this will be beneficial to you as a medical doctor, rendering your hands to be more nimble…. This is the law and you will be paid 8 cents per day.” “ So we conducted the hunger strike, some persisted for 3 consecutive months and the women political detainees lasted 130 days. 3 weeks after my hunger strike, they came in and said to me they would relieve me of forced labor.” The forced labor plan of the PAP regime met with failure eventually.

The hypocrisy of “act according to law” exposed

In order to strike at the morale of the detainees in the prison, the authorities went to the extent of using the English language newspaper the Straits Time to disseminate false information about fighting in the Changi Prison between Dr Lim and Lim Chin Siong and others, and Lim Chin Siong was injured and admitted into hospital. In reality, Lim Chin Siong and Dr Lim was locked up separately in RB and E Hall respectively. There was complete separation between these two wards and there was no way they could move to each other’s ward to make physical contacts. Dr Lim initiated a libel suit against the Straits Times who had to apologize. However, the mastermind behind this went scot free. The PAP regime had resorted to unscrupulous tactics to advance its hidden agenda and Dr Lim had struck back accordingly, exposing the hypocrisy of their so called “act according to the law”. Dr Lim had also given scathing lashes at the advisory committee which existed in name only under the Internal Security Act. This committee consisted of 3 members, with a judge being the chairman. They summoned Dr Lim for hearing, but deprived him of his right to engage lawyers on the pretext of law. The apparent errors on the charge sheets were not allowed to be corrected and he was left to be unclear about the blanks in the charge sheets. Dr Lim was asked to take part in a judiciary farce under a closed, non-transparent, and undemocratic environment. It was of no surprise that such a system of advisory committee, which was cloaked in legality but was actually meant for indefinite detention, was boycotted by the warriors in the prison. In 1971, Dr Lim was transferred to Central Police Station prison to be detained with his brother Lim Hock Kun in a cell with better conditions. The objective was to seduce him to profess his stand in exchange for the release of him and his brother. This was roundly rejected by Dr Lim. In 1972 Dr Lim publicly released his statement-in-prison, through his wife Dr Beatrice Chen , categorically refuting the ridiculous logic of ISD officers: asking him to support parliamentary democracy but barring him from political activities, to denounce publicly “violence” which he had never advocated, to save the face of Lee Kuan Yew. Dr Lim remarked with scorn: “They found the wrong actor.” Because of this, Dr Lim was made to endure another 10 years of suffering in the prison. Finally, at their wits’ end with Dr Lim who was described by the Amnesty International as a prisoner of conscience, and to ease international pressure, the PAP regime had to move this iron-willed Dr Lim Hock Siew – the resolute and faithful son of the people man to Tekong Island for confinement. This was to create a false impression of release but would in actual fact continue depriving him of his freedom and basic human rights. This was to continue till 1982, when his “sentence” had lasted more than the limit of a life imprisonment, and Dr Lim would become the longest serving political detainee at that time.

Joint names to demand for abolishment of Internal Security Act

In the 4 years of exile on the Tekong Island, Dr Lim was able to provide medical services to the few thousands of residents and became the only people’s doctor on this island. Having nothing else to repay his kindness, the island residents would contribute poultry and eggs as a sign of gratitude. Dr Lim’s spirit of serving the people had remained the same throughout. What had motivated Dr Lim to be so resolute and loyal? He said: “I am firmly convinced of the stand of the Barisan Sosialis on the Merger issue. This has helped me to a great extent in enduring the protracted prison life, in hardening my resolve for struggle and to endure all the hardships, to triumph over all attempts to break me up. History has proven correct our stand and Barisan’s stand.” He further said: “All these hardships have opened my eyes wider to see through the real face of this regime, the nature of its dictatorship and its brutality.” After his release from jail, Dr Lim returned to Rakyat Clinic at Balestier Road. Parliamentary democracy Singapore in the eighties existed in name only, with the PAP being the dominant party. Elitism, utilitarianism, loss of cultural bearing, tossing about in education, and political persecution were merely means for the purpose of entrenching the PAP ruling party and enriching a minority. The road to democracy, freedom, human rights, equality, justice and happiness was unprecedentedly bumpy. However, the conscience of the people was still alive and Dr Lim, just like many others, guarded and upheld personal integrity at that time. He followed the current affairs closely, cared for the sick, lent helping hands to others, remembered old friendships and received many new ones and was attracted to the arts. The prolonged hardships meted out to him did not douse his passion for life. In the later stage he stood out without fear for personal safety to devote himself for social justice. On 9th February 1996, his comrade Lim Chin Siong passed away. Dr Lim delivered the eulogy (Salute to Lim Chin Siong) at the memorial service with heart felt emotion that was truly rousing. He revered Lim Chin Siong as a national hero who “motivated and led the masses and valiantly liberated them from the colonial rule”, “Chin Siong had exhibited a gigantic sense of justice that transcended above personal gain in order to serve the people wholeheartedly”. He made the clarion call to “commemorate, cherish and consolidate the lofty and uncompromising spirit” of Lim Chin Siong. Some of his remarks are in fact so befitting to Dr Lim himself today. On 4th November 2009 he attended the book launch of (The Momentous Fajar Era) despite his own sickness, and charged at, from the vantage point of constitution and with his personal experiences, the brutality of the PAP regime’s ISA. He pointed out: “The most important democratic right is the constitutional right of the Singaporeans……. Imprisonment without trials is against peace, and an act of violence.” Martyn See, a young local film director recorded his speech into a short film which was subsequently banned by the PAP regime. This truly exhibits a lack of conscience! On 21st September 2011, a total of 16 former detainees, including Lim, Poh Soo Kai, Said Zahari and others jointly petitioned for the abolishment of the colonial era ISA. On 25th October in the same year, he spoke of his own experiences and observations in, and insight gained from being involved in politics.

His opinions that merit out attention

Dr Lim held several pieces of opinion during his lifetime that merits our attention.

Firstly, he had chosen to adopt parliamentary democracy from the beginning. This does not merely include holding election every four to five years, but also encompasses freedom of Dr Lim Hock Siew – the resolute and faithful son of the people ideas, opinions, gathering and publication. However, being with the British and in order to hold on to his power, it was none other than Lee Kuan Yew who practiced dictatorial rule under the guise of parliamentary democracy and suppressed the genuine anti-colonial patriots. This is exactly the difference between both sides.

Secondly, the absence of the left gave rise to racialism. The British, PAP and UMNO had spared no efforts in exterminating the left and this had prevented the unity among the working class who made up more than 80% of the population, providing a fertile ground for racialism. The result is not only the unification of Malaya could not be achieved, but this had also severely tore apart the intimate connection between the people of Singapore and Malaya.

Thirdly, from a historical perspective, changes will surely arrive. We must continue to be optimistic in this. There will be an intense, “hopefully non-violent” struggle in future.

Fourthly, Dr Lim had firm conviction that socialism will be the final outcome of human’s struggles. “No one should let his idealism and faith evaporate. Under any circumstances one should persist in consolidating his own conviction……a life that is devoid of conviction and idealism is but only a meaningless existence.”

Fifthly, he was highly self-disciplined but was generous towards others, and would reason with friends on what is right. “Whenever one is downcast or is losing the will to fight on due to prolonged detention, one must act according to his own conscience……and stand firm……and expose the injustice in our country and the realities of the lack of democratic rights and basic human rights.”

Sixthly, one cannot rule out that the mischief perpetuated by traitors within Barisan Sosialis had caused it to be disunited in the later days. But one should also look at the dilemma caused by the arrest of the key Barisan leaders. The debate between Barisan and the leftist labor unions was to lose its focus. “It is going down a wrong path by incessantly shouting about false independence in order to oppose the PAP, because using slogans for our struggle can only confuse the people.”

Living forever in the heart of the people

In spite of his ill health in his later years to the extent of having to go for regular dialysis, Dr Lim was still in possession of strong will and was availed with good care from his family. For him it was work and study as usual, and social activities had never ceased. He would still drive his old Mercedes to Rakyat Clinic to provide medical care for patients, be it rain or shine. Weekends were for meeting friends, learning to paint or visiting galleries. He would never miss the gathering among old friends on every third day of the first lunar month to let each other know all was well. Little did we expect to hear of the sad news of his sudden departure due to heart attack on 4th June 2012. Dr Lim left behind his family and friends, and the people for whom he fought for the whole of his life. There are people who availed themselves with immerse power in their hand, who resorts to pulling the wool over the eye of the public and enameled themselves with glamour. They indulge themselves in self-deception and selfflattery. There are also people who are righteous, indomitable andaboveboard, and dedicate themselves to serving the society. They never forget their mission to bring about happiness to the people throughout their life. Lao Zi said: “longevity is one who dies but is never forgotten”. This has been aptly manifested in Hock Siew (literally meaning Happiness and Longevity).

Dear Dr Lim Hock Siew, you will forever live in the heart of the people!

 

《坚贞的人民英雄》文集之八

 刚毅坚贞的人民之子林福寿医生

 何毅明

历史背景

第二次世界大战之后的马来亚,经历过刻骨铭心、可歌可泣的历史阶段。一方面,英国殖民主义者为维护在马来亚的经济和军事战略利益而诉诸铁腕统治。另一方面,熬过日治苦难和奋起反抗的马来亚人民,与英国殖民主义统治者展开针锋相对的斗争。解密文件显示,从19481955年间,有三万名爱国人士被英殖民当局逮捕甚或强行驱逐出境。

在英国人的记录中,这些抗英人士成了“暴徒”(bandit) 和 “恐怖分子”(terrorist)。1954年华校中学生掀起五一三学生运动,是一个转捩点,标志着从马来亚被分割出来的新加坡人民,在宪制范围内开展反殖斗争,争取包括新加坡在内的统一、独立、民主、公正、平等的马来亚。反殖斗士前仆后继,饱受坐牢、迫害、驱逐、牺牲,最终换来1959年自治邦政府的成立。之后反殖运动内部暗流汹涌,亲英的李光耀集团公开与英殖民主子和马来亚当权者勾结,策划一个以镇压左翼力量和瘫痪议会民主、剥夺民主权利和基本人权为目标的马来西亚。

正是在这样的历史背景下,新加坡英语界出现一位不畏强权、坚持真理,“为有牺牲多壮志”的杰出人民之友林福寿医生。196322日,在泰山压顶的人民力量面前,英、马、新三股势力深怕输掉新加坡大选,断然撕破假面具,践踏自我吹嘘的议会民主这头“圣牛”,动用恶名昭著的“维护公众治安法令”(内安法前身),肆意逮捕政敌和异议分子,在未经审讯的情况下,通过无限期监禁、施以肉体和精神折磨及威迫利诱,无所不用其极,企图扼杀獄中斗士的政治意志。林福寿医生以其铮铮铁骨,坚持真理、伸张民主、维护人权,在牢獄中渡过长达20年漫漫岁月。历尽磨难,意志更坚。然而,在群众、同志、亲人、难友、病黎眼中,林福寿医生更是一位温文尔雅、轻声细语、和蔼可亲的彬彬君子,胸襟开阔,蕴含大爱、激励、关怀、同情的高尚品质。

学生时代树立大志

时光倒流至1931年,小印度甘贝尔巷(Campbell Lane)屋内,一个男婴呱呱落地,他便是林家排行第三的林福寿,后来家里又增添7个弟妹。父亲不识字,在竹脚巴刹卖鱼为生,但重视孩子们的教育。林福寿自小在英校念书。日战时期学业中断,在分配中心分发过木薯和红棕油,后来到巴刹帮父亲卖鱼。战后,他到附近仰光小学续读两个学期,中学进入颇负盛名的莱佛士书院。他聪敏好学,求知欲强,图书馆是他的精神粮库;参加过学校辩论会和演讲比赛,担任校刊编辑,不但口才好,而且有过人的思考和写作能力。经历过战火洗礼的孩子早懂事,他说:“我的成长环境启发我认识到穷人所面对的问题与困难,这本身就是一课政治教育。”少年林福寿,深受尼赫鲁特别是他写给女儿书信的影响,他不认可学校崇尚大英帝国那一套,很早就有爱国爱民志向,他关心周围人群,汲取有用知识,思考国家前途。后来的人生道路抉择,其实早有端倪。马来亚大学医学院的大学医科生涯(1951-1957),是他树立政治理想和决心献身国家的关键岁月。

 投身反殖运动

大学医学是林福寿热爱的学科,用他的话说,“它是人道主义学科”。1951年念大学一年级,因为必须加强莱佛士书院未曾教授的科学学科,“功课非常繁重”,但他在勤学之余,仍协助把约占全校40%的非寄宿学生组织起来,他也是1953年成立的马大社会主义俱乐部创始会员,担任过马大三届学生理事会理事,其中一届担任主席。19543月马大社会主义俱乐部机关报《华惹》(Fajar,意为“黎明”)第七期,因发表《对亚洲的侵略》一文,被殖民地政府控以诽谤罪,林福寿为涉事同学奔走筹款和延聘律师,并结识同是出身莱佛士书院、那时巳当上律师的李光耀。他在诉讼期间负起“华惹”的编委职责,还担任学生会校刊编辑工作。林福寿的大学岁月,正值英殖民当局实施紧急法令,对人民力量进行残暴镇压的年代。反殖运动沉寂一段时期后,逐渐恢复元气。工人开始团结在工会周围,工运在积聚力量,马大校园又涌现一批进歩学生,反黄运动浩浩荡荡,筹办南洋大学激起维护民族教育的浪潮,华校生普遍觉酲,马大社会主义俱乐部挫败殖民地政府的司法迫害。地火在运行,1954513日终于找到突破口,那便是林福寿称之为“人民争取政治自由与社会公正的斗争过程中的一个转捩点”——华校生反对兵役法令的“五一三事件”。同年底,人民行动党正式成立了,之前“与李光耀打过交道”的林福寿,也成为该党发起人之一。应该说,23岁的他,此时思想上已徹底服膺社会主义;政治上决心挣脱英殖民主义枷锁、立场上与人民同呼吸、共患难。这对于一位英语界专业人士,尤为难得!从此,林福寿医生的一生,便与马来亚和新加坡人民事业结合在一起。当李光耀仍在巧妙掩饰亲英嘴脸之前,他待之如同志,如战友,林福寿医生随时可进出欧士礼路(Oxley Road)38号李光耀的住家。1955年大选期间,林福寿在花拉公园选区为蒂凡那助选,在武吉知马选区为林清祥拜票。1956年,他在华中校门㚈目睹警察对付手无寸铁的学生和围观的人群,民众自发的反迫害行动,酿成全岛大暴动,英殖民政府借机镇压,解散工、农、学、文团体,逮捕大批各民族反殖爱国领袖,包括被林福寿医生赞为“民族英雄”的林清祥。

 李光耀第一次清党行动

然而,暴风骤雨已无法扑灭延烧的火势,反殖阵营重整后再出发。1957年人民行动党党员大会上,李光耀的地位受到挑战,当时已在中央医院任职的林福寿医生居中斡旋不果。李光耀居心叵测,拒不接受党选结果,让英国人出面为他解围,挑战派被一网打尽,或鎯铛入獄,或驱逐出境,或被边缘化。仰仗英国人的帮助,李光耀等重新掌控行动党中央执行委员会。同年又在党内实行干部制,以非民主手段绑架行动党基层,护驾以他马首是瞻的党中央,为他日后背叛人民事业、勾结英马当权者铺路。为此,李光耀集团剥夺林福寿医生等敢言敢怒敢担当的党内正直人士乃至发起人的干部资格,不让他们成为立法议会选举的候选人。1959年大选后,林福寿医生等140余人的行动党党籍也被无理撤销,李光耀朝背信弃义之路越走越远。1961年,英、马、新三方当权者终于亮出马来西亚这个杀手锏,企图一举歼灭决心把反殖斗争进行到底的人民力量。林福寿医生和傅树介医生毅然辞去政府医院职务,合设人民药房,并与林清祥等共组社会主义阵线,在宪制范围内,围绕马来西亚合并问题,与行动党展开正面交锋,反殖运动又掀波澜。林福寿身为社阵中委,看透识破英、马、新三股黑势力的阴谋诡计,他们不是争取实现真正的统一和平等的合并,让两地人民享有同等公民权利和政治代表权,而是各怀鬼胎,私相授受,全然不顾两地人民的长远利益。19627月,林福寿医生和李绍祖医生、兀哈尔同赴纽约,“联合国非殖民主义委员会”。对于行动党出于私心的倒行逆施,林福寿医生在公开辩论中反驳李光耀:

“在我们争取新加坡和马来亚大陆两地人民实现真正重归统一的斗争中,行动党的合并计划是倒退一步,而不是向前一步。”

 2.2 冷藏行动中遭逮捕

196292日行动党政府又是玩弄合并选项,又是恐吓污蔑乱扣帽子,在全民公投中不光彩地“获胜”了。林福寿医生回顾这段历史时说:“全民公投选项A的结果,没有改变我们的分析。社阵在立法议院极力主张,让新加坡人民作出真正的决定就是举行大选。在竞选期间,我们会作好准备,劝说人民给予我们委托,去争取完完整整的合併,在完整马来亚国家的架构上实现独立。林福寿医生和社阵领导人的言论和计划,说明他们是在宪制范围内行事。但是,行动党政府为了挽回可预见的大选败局,于196322日制造一次政治“地震”:100多位反殖运动的领袖和骨干在所谓的“冷藏行动”中被捕,林福寿医生也不能倖免。一位有理想有追求的大学毕业生,一位人民行动党的发起人,一位失去自由或有病在身,却坚持为病人服务的“人道主义”医生,一位社会主义阵线的创始人,一位反对祸国殃民的合并方案的忠贞人士,从此失去了自由,不是5年、10年、15年,而是20年!他究竟说了什么,做了什么,谁给他定下“弥天大罪”?且看他自已是怎么说的:“参加政治是为了维护人民的权益,为实现他们的心愿而斗争。为此,我坚信必须要具备某些廉正素质,知识分子的诚信和基本原则。”后来他又一针见血指出:“合并计划的失败将加深新加坡和马来亚大陆两地人民的裂隙。不单是因为行动党、联合邦政府和和英国人的机会主义而丧失了构建一个重归统一的马来亚国家的黄金机会,而且新加坡人民的马来亚整体观也遭到行动党的扼杀,以便掩盖其合并计划的失败。”真实的历史是:马来西亚未曾如李光耀所吹嘘的“如日东升”,新马的结合更非“前途似锦”。合并不到一年,196479月份,新加坡接连发生空前严重的种族骚乱,李光耀不敢担当,“跑为上策”,不顾之前的庄严承诺与夸夸其谈了。到底是谁说对了?做对了?谁依法了?谁为民请命了?这一切不是洞若观火吗?

 狱中反迫害斗争

英国人的解宻文件显示,2.2“冷藏行动”的幕后主要推手是李光耀,他的私心决定他不惜借助殖民地时代的“维护公众安全法令”,三更半夜上门捕人,不问青红皂白、不经正式法庭審讯、可以无限期把人摧残在獄中。英国人曾以这个暴行实行白色恐怖,维持殖民利益。曾几何时,李光耀接过这个衣钵,发挥到了极致!林福寿医生被秘密特务带走时,结婚不足两年,留下5个月大的男婴。他坐遍了新加坡的大小监狱,从欧南监狱、女皇镇监獄、中央警署,到樟宜监獄、Mount RosieJervois Road内政部高官住宅、德光岛等。19637月,他被转移到樟宜监狱E Hall,与100多位政治被拘者生活在一起,曾被监禁13年后遭行动党驱逐出境的前工运人士卢大通回忆那段日子:“Dr Lim是我们政治拘留者中最受尊敬的领袖。他为人和蔼可亲,没有架子……思考问题冷静和全面,是我们的智囊和顾问。”政治被拘者组成生活委员会,林福寿医生担任主席,领导众人“有纪律地生活在一起,同心协力处理好集体生活的一切事务,如每日三餐的炊事、卫生、学习和康乐活动。”

但是,行动党政府很快就收紧政治被拘者的生活待遇,千方百计迫使他们“自白”、“悔过”、“表明立场”。他曾被单独监禁在阴森龌龊、虫子当道、读物绝迹的中央警署,“这个地方即使是用来关牲畜也不适合,我们五人进行绝食,我因溃疡出血而被送入医院”。后来,行动党政府的迫害变本加厉,把政治被拘者沦为刑事犯,强迫劳役,他们说“这是改过自新的训练计划之一……这样做会对身为医生的你有益的,手会变得更为敏捷……这就是法律,你每天会获得8分钱酬劳”。于是,“我们进行了绝食”,有些大概持续3个月,明月湾女政治被扣者坚持130天。“我进行了3星期的绝食行动后,他们进来对我说,那好吧,我们免除你的劳改。”行动党政府的劳役计划以失败告终。

 暴露“依法执法”的虚伪性

为了打击狱中志士的士气,当局还挖空心思,让英文报《海峡时报》散布林福寿医生等与林清祥等在在樟宜监狱内格斗,致使林清祥负伤住院的假新闻。林清祥和林福寿医生分別关在RBE Hall。两处牢房完全隔开,无法往来,不可能发生肌体冲突。林福寿提出诽谤诉讼,英文报虽然赔款道歉,但幕后推手却逍遥法外。行动党政府为了达到其不可告人的目的,可以如此不择手段。林福寿医生以其人之道还治其人之身,徹底暴露了他们标榜的“依法执法”的虚伪性。

林福寿医生对内部安全法令下形同虚设的咨询委员会,也有辛辣的鞭笞。这个咨询委员会由三名成员组成,主席是一名法官。他们召见林福寿医生听证,却处处以“这就是法律”为由,剥夺他请示律师的权利,拒绝改正控状上的明显错误,不让他弄清控状留白的内容,他被要求在这样不公开、不透明、不民主的环境中,上演一场荒谬滑稽的司法闹剧。

这个披着司法外衣、实则美化无限期监禁的咨询委员会制度,后来遭到狱中志士的扺制,也就不令人奇怪了。1971年,林福寿被调到中央警署与其弟林福坤同囚在一间条件较好的牢房,目的是诱使他“表白立场”,以换取兄弟俩的释放。林福寿断然予以拒绝,并于1972年通过妻子陈宗孟医生公开发表他的狱中声明,义正辞严驳斥内安局(ISA)人员的荒唐逻辑:要他支持议会民主却不得参加政治活动,要他公开谴责他从未鼓吹的“暴力”,要他替李光耀挽回面子。林福寿医生轻蔑地表示,他们“找错了演员”。为此,他的牢獄之灾被粗暴延长了整整10年。最后,为了缓和国际压力,行动党政府对这位被国际特赦组织定为“良知囚徒”的铁汉子无计可施,只得于1978年把他转移到德光岛加以软禁,制造“释放”假象,实则继续剥夺他的个人自由和基本人权,直至1982年,“刑期”远超过终身监禁的年限,成为当时坐牢最久的政治被拘者。

联名要求废除内安法

流放德光岛的4个年头,林福寿有机会为数千岛民提供医疗服务,成为岛上唯一的人民医生。岛民无以为报,纷赠家禽鸡蛋以表谢意。林福寿为人民服务的精神,始终如一。是什么力量使林福寿如此刚毅而坚贞呢?他说:“我对社阵的合并立场抱持的坚定信念,在很大程度上帮助我渡过漫长的牢狱岁月,加强我坐牢的斗志,经受住种种磨难,战胜要搞垮我的各种伎俩。历史事实证明,我们的立场和社阵的立场都是正确的”。又说:“种种磨难……反让我更深入看清楚这个政权的真面目,其独裁而残酷的本质。”

出獄后,林福寿回到马里士他路的人民药房。80年代的新加坡,议会民主名存实亡,行动党从一党专制到一党独大。精英主义、功利思想、文化失焦、教育折腾、政治打压,目的无不在于巩固行动党执政地位和少数人的既得利益。民主、自由、人权、平等、正义、幸福之路空前坎坷。但是,人民的良知犹在,像其他洁身自爱的人士一样,林福寿医生也是“清者自清品自在”。他关注时局,治病利民,助人不倦,旧友不忘,新朋络繹,亲近艺术,说明长期的磨难并未浇灭他的生活热忱。后期仍不顾个人安危、挺身而出,为社会正义鞠躬尽瘁。199629日,同时代战友林清祥病逝,林福寿在追悼会上发表《向林淸祥致敬》的讲活,情真意切,激动人心。他尊崇林清祥为“民族英雄”,“动员与带领人民群众,英勇地把他们从殖民统治下解放出来”,“清祥所体现的是那种超乎常人得失,一心只想为人民全心全意服务的正义感。”他呼吁大家“纪念、珍惜、巩固”林清祥“崇高与毫不妥协的精神”。有些话今天听起来,其实也适用于林福寿医生本人。2009114日他抱病出席《华惹时代风云》发布会,以切身经历,从宪法高度指控行动党政府内安法的残暴性。他指出:“最主要的民主权力就是新加坡人的宪法权力……无审讯的囚禁,是反和平的行径,是一种暴力行为。”本地年轻电影导演施忠明(Martyn See)把他的发言录制成短片,被行动党政府禁绝,其心虚一至于此!2011921日,林福寿与傅树介,赛札哈里等16位前政治被拘者,联名要求废除仍停留在殖民地时代的内安法。同年1025日,他在《改变中的世界》座谈会上,讲述从政经历、体会和观察。

 值得关注的言论

综观林福寿医生的生前言论,以下几点值得关注。

 

 

1.他一开始便选择议会民主,当然这不仅是每四、五年一㳄大选,也包含了思想、言论、集会、出版自由。但李光耀是英国的人,恰恰是他,为了保住政权,借议会民主之名,行专制之实,打压真正反殖爱国志士,这是双方的分歧所在。

2.种族主义源于左翼的缺位。英国人、行动党和巫统把左翼赶尽杀绝,阻碍了占人口80%以上的劳动人民的大团结,让种族主义有了滋生的土壤,其结果不仅是马来亚统一大业无法实现,而且严重撕裂新马两地人民的唇齿关系。

3.从历史角度看,改变一定会到来,对此要保持乐观精神。未来会有一场尖锐的、“但愿是非暴力的”斗争。

4.他坚信社会主义是人类进行斗争的最终结果。“一个人不应该让他自己的理想与信仰蒸发。不论何种情况,他应该更坚持的去巩固自己的信念……一个生命如果没有了信念,没有了理想,那只是一个毫无意义的存在。”

5.他严以律己,宽以待人,对朋友晓以大义,“不论是谁情绪低落,或因长期监禁丧失斗志,但每个政治被拘者须根据自己的良知行事……要站稳立场……揭露我们国家的不公正、缺乏民主权利和基本人权的现象”。

6.社阵后期内部不团结的症结,既不排除内奸的捣鬼,也要看到社阵主要领导人被捕后所出现的困局。社阵与左翼工会之间的论战失焦,“不断叫嚷假独立来反对行动党,是一条错误的道路,因为用口号进行斗争,只会混淆人民的视线。”

永远活在人民心中

尽管林福寿晚年健康欠佳,乃至必须定期洗肾,但他意志坚强,又得到家人的护理,工作学习如常,社会活动未曾停步,白天按时驾驶陈旧的“马赛地”到人民药房诊病,风雨不改,周末或会友,或习画,或逛画廊,毎年初三不缺席老友聚餐会,互报平安。讵料天不假年,201264日,终因心脏病猝发而离开人世,离开亲友,离开他为之服务为之奋斗一生的人民。有的人大权在握,一手遮天,恣意妄为,用彩衣把自己罩住,掩耳盗铃,得意洋洋。有的人正气凛然,威武不屈,光明磊落,贡献社会,甘当孺子牛,终其一生不忘把幸福带给人间。老子说:“死而不亡(忘)谓之寿”,这正好应验在“福寿”身上。

林福寿医生,你永远活在广大人民的心中!

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 


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(英/中文版)When We Cherish the Memory of Dr Lim Hock Siew, What Are We Actually Cherishing? 当我们怀念林福寿医生时,我们在怀念什么?

编者按:

  1. 为纪念已故前社阵杰出领导人、坚贞的人民英雄林福寿医生逝世五周年,林福寿医生生前的战友于20171月出版了《坚贞的人民英雄》;

  2. 《坚贞的人民英雄》是以中英文对照竖版的;

  3. 经《坚贞的人民英雄》编辑部的同意,本网站将分期刊载《坚贞的人民英雄》的文章。

             特此说明。

The People’s Hero’s article 7

When We Cherish the Memory of Dr Lim Hock Siew,

What Are We Actually Cherishing?

 Tan Kok Fang

When We Cherish the Memory of Dr Lim Hock Siew, What Are We Actually Cherishing?

Dr Lim Hock Siew passed away on the 4th of June 2012. Come the third day of the Lunar New Year this 2017, he would have left us for nearly 5 years.

His affable yet unyielding image, however, stays in our memory all this while and has kept us company all along.

When we cherish the memory of Dr Lim Hock Siew, what are we actually cherishing? I am posing this question because I think it will help us to sort out a focal strand from the myriad narratives that may have been swerving around.

Let me say what I feel. To begin with, we know that as a youth, he was a student in Raffles Institution (RI). Back then, a gush of anticolonial fervour had already begun budding in his fast maturing mind. For it was a time when the people of Malaya, including Singapore found themselves forsaken by the British colonialists when the latter surrendered to the Japanese invading army without even putting up a symbolic fight. Like most of his contemporaries in China, Korea, and Southeast Asia, they came to realize through the baptism of this ruthless war that only they can be the final arbiter of their own destiny.

He was a top student in school. Not only did he command remarkable oratorical abilities, but he was also gifted in his writing skills. Often, he would be chosen to represent his school at public speaking contests and won numerous prizes. For his outstanding writing abilities, he was picked to run the school’s student publication. These remarkable aptitude were to find him years later of being appointed by his party, the Barisan Socialis, as one of its representatives to the United Nation in New York to tell the world why the Greater Malaysia plan harboured by the British was detrimental to the interest of the people of Singapore and Malaya.

RI was originally establsihed by the British colonialist to train an elite “clerical” class on whom the colonial government could count upon for helping it to administer her colonies. It was to be expected then that the institution would be well look after like a precious son. Students there got to receive the best that care available at the time. As long as one was prepared to submit to the values it propounded, one’s future would be laid out on a smooth plane. Upon graduation, those opting to serve in the government service would likely move up the scale like moving up on clouds, those choosing to go into the business organizations associated with the colonial establishments would find a comfortable life waiting for them.

But when Hock Siew finished high school, none of the above was what he wanted to pursue. His heart was devoted to becoming a medical doctor, because in his mind, saving lives and relieving pain was closest to serving people in a most meaningful way. He enrolled in the King Edward VII Medical College, and very soon found himself in the company of equally idealistic minds such as Poh Soo Kai, Rajakumar, Arthur Lim and Tan Seng Huat, etc. They then joined hands to form the University Socialist Club (1953) to promote the study of socialism among students, staff members, and even members of the public at large. That was to signify the beginning of a life-long struggle for freedom and justice and the realization of socialism for most of the founding members of the Club.

During this time, I was a student at the Chinese High School. Often, after school, we would try to seek out Fajar, the publication of the USC to read. We were very keen to learn about the anti-colonial movements that were raving in many parts of the world as well as the teachings of socialism which were curious to us.

The anti-colonial activities undertaken by Hock Siew and his friends in the University of Malaya in Singapore (UMS) naturally resonated strongly with the anti-colonial and the defense of vernacular education activities organised by the Chinese school students at the time. What was more important was that this led to the break up of the barriers hitherto existed between students of the two language streams,and fostered better understanding between them.

As a result, a momentus and gigantic anti-colonial force was forged, thereby sending shockwaves to the British colonialists and their fellow travellers and rocked their confidence in their continued rule.

During this period, the student movement in Singapore and the Malay Peninsular reached unprecendented heights and intensity. On the one hand, anti-colonial fervour was rising. Left-wing unions under the leadership of Lim Chin Siong had formed the People’s Action Party in collaboration with Lee Kuan Yew. Also taken part in this widened efforts against the colonialists were Lim Hock Siew, Poh Soo Kai and several student leaders from the University of Malaya in Singapore. While on the other, students from the newly opened Nanyang University (NU), who came mainly from the Chinese stream of education, moved to join forces with students from UMS and the Malay stream toward a state of solidarity never before seen on this land. Like a gust of fresh wind mingling with great hopes sweeping across this forsaken land, everyone was eagerly expecting that a new social outlook would descend very soon.

At this time, I was already enrolled in Nantah. The political situation in Singapore was heading towards ever scathing opposition between anti-colonial forces and the colonialists. So much so that even for those of us living on “a campus of peace away from the turmoil of the world”, so to speak, we were unable to stay out of the bustle. To be sure, not that we did not wish to set our mind at rest and focus on our studies, we were constantly drawn in the fray by those who deliberately create confusion, vilify our true intentions and spreading lies. It was common for them to label us “communist sympathisers” or “chauvinists”. Against all of these slandering onslsughts,it becomes a situation where “the tree may crave calm, but the wind will not drop”. Under such circumstances, who can stay calm and study?

I recall during those politically-spirited days, USC would often organize discussions and debates on the campus in Bukit Timah. Those of us in the relatively far away Yunnan campus would take the Green bus after classes to be at Bukit Timah to watch and cheer what we now regard as “our team” – the USC boys. On stage, we often see Lim Hock Siew, Poh Soo Kai, S.Woodhull, James Puthucheary, or Jamit Singh in twos or threes, facing Lee Kuan Yew and his coterie. The Left seemed always on the triumphal side, judging by the applause and positive acclaims from the floor. Though there is not the slightest doubt that LKY was a powerful and gifted orator, those speakers from the Left were in no way any inferior. For the truth about the speakers from the Left was that they were resonating with the tidal currents of the day. Their disdain for the cunning but shrivalling colonialists put them singly in a position of high rectitude, which made them all the more assertive because shrouded with a strong sense of justice, they felt they were indeed answering the call of the times.

The wind of change brought about by these patriotic men of distinction from the Left gave the anti-colonial movement great encouragement and hope. It was to be seen that this movement carried workers and farmers from the lower stratum of society; middle school students and technicians from the mid stratum, graduating university students, as well as intellectuals and progressive capitalists, etc. from the upper stratum. Together, they formed a massive army of the people that could not be ignored, closing in on the colonialists and their fellow travellers. This became a hard bone, one which carried with it the people’s trust, now lodged in Mr Lee’s throat which he found difficult to swallow. Without doubt, he would, on latter days, instigate a plot to try to dislodge it by hook or by crook. And true enough, he did.

With the help of the British, Mr Lee triggered a move against When We Cherish the Memory of Dr Lim Hock Siew, What Are We Actually Cherishing? leaders of its left-wing in his party, thereby revealing starkly his true right-wing colours. Several original party founders and stalwarts, including Lim Hock Siew were dropped from becoming cadre members of the newly revised party setup where representation and power are indisputably assured to stay in the hands of Mr Lee and his coterie. This led to the formation of the Barisan Socialis and closely followed by mass resignations of PAP branch leaders and members to join the ranks of the new party. The stage is thus set for the PAP, engaging the Barisan Socialis in a fight of life and death which led to far-reaching consequences for not just Singapore but also for neighbouring countries in Southeast Asia.

In the newly formed Barisan Socialis, Lim Hock Siew was elected to the Party’s central committee and editor of the English edition of the party organ, The Plebian. A skill, which he began honing during his RI days could now be put to greater use as he was now charged with a new mission, that of exposing the dark and cunning nature of the colonialists and their running dogs.

Meanwhile, the British colonialists were busily cooking up a plot to try to protect itspolitical and economic interests in the region. From this, the Greater Malaysia Plan, aiming to bring the Federated States of Malaya, the colony of Singapore, the Borneo States of Sarawak and Sabah, as well as Brunei under one roof was hatched.

For a long time in history, Singapore and the Malay peninsular have been one undivided territory in many ways: geography, human kinships, cultural relationships, as well as ethnic composition, etc. Thanks to British colonialists’ innate belief in the governing principle of “divide and rule”, Singapore had willy-nilly been separated from “mainland” Malay peninsular to be ruled directly by UK as a crown colony. Now, by another sinister design, the British sought to bring Singapore back into the fold with a much larger geographical area, embracing not just Singapore and the Malay peninsular, but also the north Borneo territories of Sabah and Sarawak, as well as Brunei. This political display of tricks mask a portentous agenda, ie. to eradicate Left-wing forces in the region, so as to preserve the political, economic, and military interests of UK, and her fellow travellers.

Incidentally, the plot favours the PAP in a most critical way because it proved to be Lee Kuan Yew’s last life-saving straw. As when he viewed with ever glaring eyes his party being trounced by voters in two successive bye elections in Hong Lim and Anson. Spurned and besieged, and struggling for survival, his only way to save his skin was to fall on the British and the Tunku for help to finish off the Left. At this time, the spectacle playing in front of the eyes of the world was that Lee Kuan Yew was even keener and more pressing than the Tunku, who first mooted the idea of the Greater Malaysia Plan publicly at a foreign correspondents’ gathering, to get the Plan through.

It was against this background that Lee Kuan Yew traded Singapore’s interests away in exchange for a merger with some of the most unfair, unreasonable and unacceptable conditions for our people. Among the conditions are that Singaporeans would not be able to enjoy the kind of citizenships that other Malaysians enjoy; Singaporeans could not take up employment or residence in other parts of Malaysia; and the number of parliamentary seats assigned to Singapore would be limited to 15, a number far below that had equal representation been practised like in all other constituent states.

To this, Barisan Socialis raised its objection vehemently. It was pointed out that such merger conditions would only serve to bring about discord among the people of the new nation and plant seeds of friction and dispute which might eventually result in the breaking up of the country.

Sure enough, even before two years were up, constant bickering and furious squabbles in the new nation erupted into a situation no parties could singly and justifiably clear up the mess, and Singapore was evicted. Now, the predictions of the Barisan Socialis had been finally proved right and for which they deserved to be vindicated.

By universal norm of conduct, this fundamental political change that brought about the new situation should have been accompanied by a new outlook and refreshing values. However, the opposite was to be the case. Political detainees in the various prisons were put to face even greater suppression and more abominable treatment. Outside of the prisons, political atmosphere became more and more restrictive and more suffocating. What little bubble of democracy that remained was being pushed to the brink of obliteration! Under the rule of the high-handed stance which practices the tenet of “those who submit will flourish, those who resist shall wither”, the entire society had been enshrouded in white terror. Consequently, a hitherto energetic, vigourous and progressive people had now found itself degenerated into a society of meek, docile and soulless minions, not unlike mindless and powerless cattle all ready to be shepherded around.

When Hock Siew had been incarcerated for nine years, he was called up one day for interrogation by officers of the Special Branch. They wanted him write a statement to indicate his support for the so-called parliamentary democracy that was beinng practiced in Singapore and also to express his desire to give up politics for good, and to show his recantation for his past political activities. They then added that he must give face to Lee Kuan Yew, failing which he would not be released.

In response to those bizarre and unreasonable demand, Hock Siew’s response was: “For me this not a question of pride, it’s a question of principle. In the first place, if a person has to save his face by depriving somebody else of his fundamental rights, then that’s not a face that’s worth saving.”

On this very issue of right and wrong, Dr Lim made his choice and stood his ground. But it was to mean that for that principled and concientious decision, he had to pay a steep price of nearly another ten years of detention behind bars. What savagery was Lee Kuan Yew and his company trying to set on Dr Lim? Did they want him to languish in prison for ever? What right do they have to do as they have done? So for nearly 20 years, Dr Lim was sent mired through literally all the detention centres and prisons in Singapore.

We all know that a convict sentenced by a court of law for life  imprisonment has to serve a period of 13 years and be released. But Dr Lim’s detention last nearly 20 years, almost 7 years more than a life imprisonment. Singaporeans who claim to have an independent mind, an unadulterated heart and a shining soul must ask: What kind of rule of law is this? What kind of country are we living in? Who made those deplorable and dastardly decision? What kind of people are they?

Mr Tan Kah Kee, one of the greatest philanthropists and a most influential community leader Singapore has ever had had this to say to the world:

“On the rise and fall of a country, everyone has a responsibility; the self and the family may be sacrificed, but between right and wrong, there can be no compromise.”

These words by a great man has found them put into action by Dr Lim Hock Siew in the most vivid and incisive way! For, in making that decision, he had to take into consideration his own personal freedom, his family’s wellbeing, and the conscience of the society. He showed the weight and height of his character and integrity, his undaunting courage, indeed, the highest quality of a man.

When Hock Siew was hauled from his home in the wee hours of February 2, 1963, he had these dearing words for his wife:

 “Darling, I shall be by your side again in seven or eight years.”

That was already an extended period of detention based on his assessment of the political situation then and how it would eventually evolve. Now, in retrospection, we know he had been too kind to the people who incarcerated him.

By the universal norm of conduct, he and his comrades should have been freed by LKY soon after Singapore left Malaysia, simply because Barisan’s prediction made before merger took place had been proven right on spot. In light of the new situation, Singapore was now an independent country, and imminent nation-building would have called for solidarity and concerted efforts of all parties. But that was not to be. Leaders of the Left continued to be detained and normal political activities continued to be suppressed. It was clear that considerations other than those linking to the “maintenance of national security” was at play.

During the long years of political detention, it was not difficult  to imagine that in the initial period, family members who came for the weekly “jumpa” (Malay word for prison visit) had much to talk about. But as time progressed, talking points began to diminish. Then week after week, year after year, as more and more restrictions were imposed (eg. open unobstructed meetings during “jumpas” taken over by segregation by glass panels to conduct telephone talk) and following the slackening of activities, the invasion of routine into each other’s life, monotony started to creep in. With years passing by, and your crowning glory thinning and greying, facial lines degraded into marked wrinkles, family visits now took on the form of silent encounters.

Isn’t this how steel is tempered? Hasn’t “silence is golden” assumed a deeper meaning? Yes, everyone was quietly conscious that a war of will was going on –

Dr Lim would say.

“the greater the suppression, the stronger the resolve to fight back”,

A Chinese legend passed down from mouth to mouth over a long period of time says that “Good will be rewarded with good, and evil with evil”. This is because basically, everyone believes that human being is intrinsically good and virtuous, and if reward has not come today, it will definitely come some day. Whether one regards this as a legend or a folk wisdom, the truth is that it has never been denied or overturned. One may say that it is innately a principle or a philosophical tenet that makes a lot of good sense in human society.

The great sufferings that Dr Lim and his colleague went through can be traced to a source which everyone is aware of, and whatever justifications have been advanced in doling out those actions, it would seem that the consequences emanating there from will not be difficult to fathom.

After nearly twenty years of political detention, Dr Lim regained his restricted freedom. He went back to his medical practice in Balestiar Road. He was an avid traveller. With his good wife in tow and numerous good friends accompanying, he had been found in many places in the world, breathing in the much freer air with extended arms. In his latter years, he developed a keen interest in painting, not only as a budding painter himeself, but also as an art collector. His love of classical music had never waned over the years. All of these combined to show that here was a man, tough like steel and yet elegant as silk, constantly engaged in the pursuit of the true, the good and the beautiful.

At the same time, pressed by numerous Singaporeans, especially people of the younger generation eager to learn about his legendary life experiences, one could always find him relating his story in his characteristic humourous vein.

To me, this refined and cultivated gentleman, an indefatigable fighter for democracy and revolutionary carried in him a prodigious moral quality. He was clear in his mind about right and wrong. He measured his words both in affection and in hate. He stood firm in his ground. He was loyal to his belief. He was idealistic and was always looking toward improving the lot of his fellow men not just materially, but also in their social and humanistic outlook. He was humble and courteous, fair and affectionate.

This, therefore, are the exemplary qualities in the man for which we shall forever cherish.

 

《坚贞的人民英雄》文集之七

当我们怀念林福寿医生时,我们在怀念什么?

 陈国防

林福寿医生于201264日离开了我们。屈指算来,今年(2017)的农历初三,他离开我们已经快5年了。

他那和蔼可亲又刚强坚毅的身影,时时都出现在我们的脑海里,紧密地陪伴着我们。

当我们怀念林福寿医生时,我们在怀念什么?我把这个问题提出来,是想让我们可以更好地在纷繁的论述中实现较好的梳理与聚焦。

且让我来说说我的一点感想吧。首先,从他的青年时代开始,在他就读莱佛士书院时,反殖的意识就已经在他那初具成熟的身上开始萌芽。当时,他是个成绩优异的学生,不但口才好,而且还握有一支生花妙笔,能写出动人的好文章。

所以他常常代表学校参加演讲比赛并获无数奖项,与此同时,他也被校方推举负起编辑学生刊物的重任。他雄辩滔滔的口才,后来理所当然地被社阵选派,代表该党赴联合国,在那国际大殿堂上,滔滔不绝,义正词严地向世界申诉新加坡人民反对“大马来西亚”计划的立场。

莱佛士书院的成立,可以说是英殖民地政府在新加坡一心一意用来培养“书记型”精英,以备来日为其殖民统治服务的学府。英殖民地政府对这一学府自然就宠爱有加。在那里就读的学生可以说都是天之骄子,因为不管是将来升学或是就业,他们前进的道路都已经由殖民地政府铺成坦途。只要你愿意俯首就范,你的前途便有了保障,登上仕途的,你会青云直上,选择商途的,你会飞黄腾达。

可是,中学毕业时,林福寿选择的人生与事业道路都不是这一些。他的一颗赤诚的心,早已投向学医。他立志要做一名好医生,把救死扶伤当成己任,贴切人民身心,真正做到为人民服务的宏愿!于是,他报读了爱德华七世医学院。没多久,他在那里结识了傅树介,拉惹古玛,林少明,陈承发等具有共同理想的热血青年,一同发起成立大学社会主义俱乐部(1953年),推动校园内同学与教职员,乃至整个社会成员对社会主义理念的了解和接受。从此,开始了他们为实现社会主义,自由平等的崇高理念而展开艰苦的奋斗历程,永不言弃。

这个时期(1954-59)我正在华中念书,课余之暇,经常会找该组织出版的“华惹”报Fajar)来阅读,希望从中了解在世界各地如火如荼地展开的反殖运动的消息及学习那既新颖又适时的社会主义理念。

林福寿与他的马大(新加坡校园)同学的反殖斗争很自然地便跟华校中学生当时所热烈展开的反殖与维护华文教育的运动产生强烈的共鸣。更重要的是,它打破了长期以来华校生与英校生之间存在的隔阂,促进双方的了解,大大地拉近了彼此的距离,铸成了一股声势空前浩大的反殖力量,那充满青春活力的浪潮,动摇了英帝国主义者实行殖民统治的信心!

这个时期的新加坡与马来半岛上的学生运动是空前激烈与高涨的。一方面是反殖情绪的高涨。以林清祥为首的左翼工团与李光耀携手成立了人民行动党。林福寿,傅树介与马大的数位学生领袖也参与其成立的队伍中。另一方面,刚刚开学不久,并以华校学生为主的南洋大学与马大,以及马来学校的同学们正在酝酿着前所未有的大团结局面。一股新风,夹带着浓浓的希望向整个社会吹拂过来,每个人无不热切地期盼着一个崭新的社会面貌的即将出现。

这时,我已经在南大就读。此时的新加坡政局,反殖与支殖力量的斗争也进入空前激烈的状态。

置身于世外桃源的南大校园里的同学们也无法置身度外。说实在的,不是我们不想专心好好念书;而是在别有居心的人不停的搅动下,他们不是一片谎言存心污蔑你,就是千方百计不断给你套红帽子,又说你推行沙文主义等等谎言谬论。处在这树欲静而风不止的情况下,谁能安心读书?

记得那时在武吉知马的马大校园,常常在社会主义俱乐部的推动下,举行针对国家前途走向的讨论会与辩论会。远在云南园的我们,常常在下课后,三三两两便乘搭绿色巴士去旁听。一边是包括林福寿,傅树介,兀哈尔,占姆斯普都遮里,占密星等左翼大学生,一边是以李光耀为首的支殖阵营的人物。在那针锋相对的擂台上,总是左翼占上风,总是左翼获得最大的喝彩。固然,李光耀的辩才是突出的。但左翼的辩论员一点也不逊色。他们不但对当代世界潮流有切身的共鸣和认可,对殖民地思想的不屑与鄙视更壮大了他们的勇气与胆识。而其中让他们底气十足的根本原因,就是他们心中所代表的是正义与大时代的召唤!

跟着这一批卓越优秀的左翼人士吹拂过来的这股新风,给我们带来了鼓舞与希望。可以看出,左翼力量中,基层有工人农民,中层有中学生和有识之士,上层有即将毕业或已经毕业的医生律师等高级知识分子。再来,还有民族资本家与进步商人。他们形成一股不可忽视的反殖大军,向着颓废的殖民地主义者及其走狗步步紧逼而来。但这也让李先生吞不下这一哽在他深喉的,带着人民的委托的硬丸子。日后,他必定会阴谋策反,一有机会,就会采取报复行动。

果然,在他的策动与英国人的协助下,人民行动党中的右翼分子撇了党中的左翼力量,露出其本来的右倾面目。还把包括林福寿在内的多名党发起人驱出党外。左翼人士为了保存力量,继续展开反殖反不合理的制度的斗争。与行动党决裂的左翼人士成立了社会主义阵线。在这新成立的左翼政党中,林福寿被推举主持该党英文版的《平民报》(ThePlebeian)的编辑工作。让他打从中学开始,就已经锻炼出来的简练而又犀利的笔锋,得到极致的发挥,去揭露殖民者的狡猾与黑暗。

不久,为了巩固其政治与经济利益,英殖民当局提出所谓的“大马来西亚”计划,打算把马来亚联合邦,新加坡,砂劳越,汶莱以及砂巴加以合并成一个整体。

本来,新加坡与马来亚半岛在地缘,人缘,文化,风俗习惯等多方面就是一家人。碍于英殖民主义者爱耍“分而治之”的阴谋诡计,强行把新加坡从马来半岛分割出来,使新加坡成为英国政府直接管辖的殖民地。而现在,狡猾的殖民地统治者又怀了鬼胎,想要把新加坡归入到包括马来亚半岛与北婆罗洲在内的一个更大的地理范围内。这种政治上的耍弄当然不会是空穴来风。人们都知道通过这一次计划中的大洗牌,殖民统治者想要达到的目的就是打击日渐强大的左翼力量和保住其在本地区的政治,经济与军事利益。

而这个计划对李光耀而言是他的最后一根救命稻草。因为眼睁睁看着两次补选(芳林与安顺)失利,他的行动党已经被人民大众所唾弃而处于四面楚歌,支持度濒临全面崩溃的境况中。在临死挣扎中他要借助东姑与英国之手进行大逮捕行动,一举把所有反对他的力量消灭殆尽,以挽回行动党的生命。所以世人都可以看到,对于所谓“合并计划”,他比东姑还要热衷,还要迫切!

就在这种党命垂危的情况下,他出卖了新加坡人民的利益,接受了不公平,不合理的合并条件,例如新加坡公民不得享有与马来亚其他州人民一样的公民权利,不能自由地在其他州内任职或居住;新加坡在大马国会中的议席被限制在15名,失去了按人口比例应分得的代表名额。

对此,社阵曾极力指出:这种不合理的合并条件只会给人民带来新的国家人民与人民之间的不和,会给国家埋下日后摩擦与争议,乃至分裂的恶果。

果然,不到两年,新加坡与大马之间频频发生的激烈争议与摩擦导致新加坡脱离了马来西亚。

社阵的预言得到了事实的验证!

按照常理,此场政治格局几近根本性的变化,以及它所带来的新形势应该陪伴着新的风尚与新的举措的出现。可是,事实却刚刚相反。还在牢里的众多政治被拘留者却面临了更加无情的迫害与更加恶劣的待遇。在牢外的政治氛围,当政者对异己者所进行的打压与施加的种种限制却益加猛烈,仅存的一点点民主,几近消失殆尽!在其“顺我者昌,逆我者衰”的霸道思维主导下,白色恐怖笼罩着整个社会,一个本来生机勃勃,充满进取精神的群体,变得像一群不敢活动,只管乖乖听话的的羔羊。

林福寿说在牢里被关了9年之后,有一天被传召去见政治部官员,对方要他写声明以表示支持新加坡的所谓议会民主制度,要他放弃政治活动,还要他表示悔过。说他必须给李光耀留个面子,才能获释。

对此无理又荒谬的要求,林福寿当时所做出的决定是:

“对我来说,这事跟面子根本扯不上边。这是个原则问题。如果一个人剥夺了别人的基本权利后还要顾到有面子要留的话,那么,那种面子是不值得保留的。”

就在这个“大是大非”的问题上他所做的抉择与坚持的立场,竟然招致了再一个十年的牢狱之灾,变成长达几近二十年的关押。难道李光耀狠心到要他坐穿牢底吗?二十年中,福寿成为新加坡极少有的坐过这个国家里所有的牢房,一个都不缺。

我们都知道,现有的法律程序下法庭判终身监禁的囚犯最多只需服13年刑期便可获得自由。但是,没有获得法庭审判的林福寿竟然无端端坐了近20年的黑牢,比一个死刑犯要长了近7年!我们不禁要问:这到底是个什么样的制度?来自于什么样的社会?什么样的国家?而施加刑罚者又是怎样的一种人类?他们的道德规范,人权的意识去了哪里?他们到底有没有起码做人的良知?

陈嘉庚先生曾经这样说过:

“天下兴亡,匹夫有责;身家可以牺牲,是非不可不明”。一个伟人说过的话,现在另一个伟人——林福寿——的身上演绎得淋漓尽致!

 林福寿在这个攸关到他个人的人身自由,家庭幸福,国家社会最基本的良知规范的问题上所做的抉择,显示出他正直人格的高度,他的无畏的勇气,他的做人的最高品质!他所付出的巨大代价与牺牲是无法用文字来形容的!

当初被捕时,福寿对临别的夫人说:

“亲爱的,七八年后我就会回到你的身边。”

那是他对当时的时局发展所作的估算。可是,他断断没有想到,尽管当年他与社阵的同志们对时局,也即“星马合并”所持的立场被后来的时局发展证明完全正确,而且,新加坡也在新的形势下脱离了马来西亚,但他却仍然没有获得自由。可见,问题的症结不在“国家安全”的问题上,而是另有玄机。这也就是说,剥夺他的自由的一方决定继续扣留他的动机很明显的是别有“用心”的。

在那漫长的牢狱岁月里。我们可以想象,起先,在官方指定的家属探狱时间里,家人尚有话题交谈。可是日过一日,年过一年,随着日子的推移,随着各种限制的增多和生活节奏的日益缓慢与缩减,话题也随之越来越少了,平淡了。于是,岁月不留情,大家头上的发丝从松脱变成稀疏,银丝也渐渐增多,脸上的皱纹不断加深。家属来探狱,变成了一次又一次的相对无言的格局!

尽管如此,大家心中有数。在那无声胜有声的情境下,都明白一场长期的,艰苦的,永远都不向恶势力低头的斗争正在默默地进行着,绝不言弃,永不言败。面对这种情境,福寿告诉自己和他的亲人与同志:

“压迫越大,我的反抗意志就越坚定!”

在古老的华人文化中,有这样的一个传说,即“善有善报,恶有恶报”。因为从根本上说,大家都相信“人本善”的这个信条价值。在民间传承数千年的岁月里,人人大都晓得行恶者必有报应,回报今日不来访,必有来访日。你说这是“民间的传说”也好,是“百姓的智慧”也罢。也从来没有人去加以否定或推翻。所以可以说它是自有其固有的可取之处。无论如何,就是因为百姓有信善与行善的本质意识,才会有人从生活经历中,总结出这个因果关系的哲理。所以,对福寿施加不人道待遇的恶行者,尽管他在生前或死后怎样自圆其说,都避不过其理应承担的后果吧。

在近二十年的牢狱生涯过后,重获有限自由的林福寿医生,还是重返他的岗位,继续行医,悬壶济世。他喜欢旅行,出狱后常陪着夫人和朋友一道四处去看看广阔的世界,放开胸怀,呼吸更自由的空气,娱乐身心。他与夫人也加深了对美术音乐的爱好,不但爱欣赏美术与收藏画作,而且还亲自动手画画,好多音乐会上,也都看到他们俩的身影,实现个人对真善美的追求与满足。

在这同时,在无数关怀他的社会人士——尤其是年轻人的问询下,他也乐意与他们分享他那不寻常的经历,他会常以幽默的口吻,谈及其中的苦与乐。

我觉得,在这个温文尔雅的君子,民主斗士,革命者的身上,蕴含着一个非凡而伟大的人格。他是非分明,爱恨有度,他坚守立场,把住信念;他富有理想,积极向上;他谦恭待人,平等博爱!

这就是我们深深地怀念他的所在,让我们永远也不会忘怀。


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(英/中文版ENGLISH/CHINESE)Dr Lim Hock Siew – the most respected leader of the political detainees 林福寿医生——政治拘留者最尊敬的领袖

编者按:

  1. 为纪念已故前社阵杰出领导人、坚贞的人民英雄林福寿医生逝世五周年,林福寿医生生前的战友于20171月出版了《坚贞的人民英雄》;

  2. 《坚贞的人民英雄》是以中英文对照竖版的;

  3. 经《坚贞的人民英雄》编辑部的同意,本网站将分期刊载《坚贞的人民英雄》的文章。

         特此说明。

The People’s Hero’s article 6

Dr Lim Hock Siew –

the most respected leader of the political detainees

 Low Tai Thong

During the “Operation Coldstore” on the 2nd February 1963, a few hundred people were detained and sent to various prisons. The last batch, which included Dr Lim Hock Siew, were the political detainees among us, who were detained by the Lim Yew Hock government and remained detained by the Lee Kuan Yew regime in the St. John Island Detention Camp, were soon transferred to the Changi Prison in two batches. I was sent to E Hall to be with other political detainees which numbered close to a hundred. Among them were leaders and cadres of political parties and trade unions, journalists, doctors, university students and so on. Having already spent 7 years in prison, it was then a very emotional moment for me to meet them there, especially those friends from the trade unions whom I had not seen in many years.

That was the first time that I met Dr Lim Hock Siew. I had only heard about him in the past, but had not had the opportunity to see him in person due to the fact that I had been detained and sent to prison in 1956.

Beginning 1956, political detainees in the prison would organize “livelihood committee” to deal with our own daily living affairs. The detainees under Operation Coldstore were no exception and Dr Lim Hock Siew (we would call him Dr Lim) was nominated as the chairman of the committee to, on our behalf, bring forward various demands to the prison authority to improve our living conditions in the prison.

We stayed in E Hall for more than a year and were then transferred to E Dormitory.

E Dormitory was built after Operation Coldstore, on a soccer field next to D Hall inside the prison walls. It consisted of 3 blocks of single-storey building, with each block housing 20 cells. Air ventilation in these cells was better than the traditional cells with large and low windows. The doors of the cells were not locked at night. We would be sent into the cells after 6 pm and only the front and back gates of each block would be locked. There was also no light out in the night such that we could continue reading well into the mid-night.

Dr Lim was the most respected leader among us political detainees. Being friendly to everyone and carrying no air, he would speak with a soft voice. He would think through issues calmly and comprehensively and would become our think tank and advisor. We would naturally think of approaching him for help or opinion whenever there were personal or family issues that we could not sort out. Being a medical practitioner, he would become our health advisor, dispensing his professional opinions and care. Dr Lim was also our nutritionist, checking if our daily supply of foodstuff met with the daily basic nutritional requirements.

Under his leadership we lived together with good discipline. All of us would perform our own tasks conscientiously and cooperatively in this collective living, such as preparing for our 3 meals, area cleaning, studying and recreational activities.

I was then preparing for the Cambridge School Certificate Examination and Dr Lim became my teacher. He tutored me in the English language and other subjects. That had increased my confidence as required my Cambridge Certificate smoothly.

Soon after Singapore was kicked out of Malaysia, a few detainees and I who were born in Malaysia were served with Expulsion Order.

I was therefore taken away from E Dormitory in May 1967, after being with Dr Lim for more than 4 years and leaving behind comrades who went through sufferings together all these years.

It turned out that I was not sent to Malaysia but to China instead! When the ship arrived at China I refused to disembark, and insisted to return to Singapore with the same ship. I was served with a Banishment Order on arrival at Singapore and was detained in the Queenstown Prison.

I met Dr Lim again in Queenstown Prison. He, together with Said Zahari, Mahadeva, Chia Thye Poh and Lee Tee Tong, were transferred from the Changi Prison to here since time unknown. But this time I was not locked up together with them, being no longer regarded as a political detainee by the authorities, but as a prisoner waiting to be deported and had to put on prisoner clothing.

We lived in the cells on the ground floor of Queenstown Prison, but were separated on two ends with iron railings in between. We could only look at each other from a distance and could only communicate with hand signs. In spite of this we successfully teamed up together to organize a week’s hunger strike in support of the comrades in the Changi Prison to fight for the improvement of their treatment.

Not long after I was transferred to another cell to be with others waiting for deportation and was not allowed to meet with family members. I left Queenstown Prison in March 1969 and headed to London, after spending close to 13 years in jail.

Dr Lim had remained steadfastly truthful to socialist ideals and had never wavered in his belief. He had never compromised, and rejected all threats and enticements throughout his 20 years of prison life. He had made immense sacrifices to defend his honor and his political principles.

20 years of detention could not change Dr Lim’s iron-clad will, nor did it succeed in destroying his integrity and esteem. Dr Lim walked out of the prison door with honor in 1982!

Though Dr Lim has already left us for 5 years, we will never forget this anti-colonial and patriotic hero of the people. He will forever live on in our hearts and his name will be forever etched into the history book of our country!

 《坚贞的人民英雄》文集之六

林福寿医生——

政治拘留者最尊敬的领袖

卢大通

196322日的“冷藏行动”大逮捕,被逮捕的百多人分别被关进了不同的监狱,最后一批是被关进樟宜监狱”E” Hall,包括了林福寿医生。

我们这些被林有福政府扣留,被李光耀政府继续监禁在棋樟山的政治扣留者,很快就分成两批移回樟宜监狱。我被送到E Hall和整百位被捕的政治扣留者在一起。他们之中有政党和工会的领袖和干部、新闻记者、医生、大学生等。当时,已经在监狱中度过七年的我,见到他们,心情激动,特别是见到多年不见的以前工会的朋友。

这是我第一次见到林福寿医生。以前只听过他的名字,但没机会见面,因为我在1956年已被扣留,进入监狱。

自从1956年开始,政治扣留者在狱中向来都会组织自己的“生活委员会”(简称“生委”)来处理自己的日常生活,“冷藏行动”的扣留者也没例外,林福寿医生(我们都称呼他Dr Lim)被选为“生委”主席,代表我们向牢方提出改善狱中生活的种种要求。

我们在”E” Hall住了大约一年多,就被移往”E” Dormitory

“E” Dormitory是“冷藏行动”后,当局在监狱围墙内”D” Hall旁边(本来是一个足球场),建了三座平房,每座有二十个牢房。比传统的牢房空气好得多。窗口大又低,夜间房门不上锁,每天傍晚六点以后被关进牢房,只锁上每座的前后门,夜间也没有灯光控制,我们可以读书到深夜。

Dr Lim是我们政治扣留者最受尊敬的领袖。他为人和蔼可亲,没有架子,讲起话来低声细语。思考问题冷静和全面。他是我们的智囊和顾问,我们有什么个人或家庭问题想不通,就自然而然向他求助,征求他的意见。他是医生,因此,也成为我们的健康顾问,给予我们的专业意见和照顾。Dr Lim是我们的营养师。他检查监狱每天供给我们的食品是否合乎我们每日的基本营养需求。

Dr Lim的领导下,我们有纪律地生活在一起,大家同心协力做好集体生活的一切任务,如每日三餐的炊事、卫生工作、学习和康乐活动。

当时我正在准备考剑桥初级文凭,Dr Lim成为我的老师。他替我补习英文和其他科目,使我对考试信心十足,顺利地考获剑桥文凭。

新加坡被踢出大马后不久,我和其他好几位大马出生的扣留者,先后接到驱逐令(Expulsion Order)。因此,在19675月,我从E Dormitory被带走,离开了相处四年多的Dr Lim,离开了多年相处在一起共患难的兄弟。

我不是被送往大马,而是被送往中国!船到中国后,我拒绝上岸,坚持跟原船回新加坡。回来以后,我被改用出境令(Banishment Order)扣留,移往女皇镇监狱。

在女皇镇监狱,我又见到Dr Lim。他和赛查哈利、马哈迪哇、谢太宝、李思东几位,不知道何时从樟宜监狱移到这里。但我并没有和他们关在一起,我已经被当局视为不再是“政治扣留者”,而是等待遣送出境的犯人,要穿犯人的衣服。

我们住在女皇镇监狱楼下的牢房,但相隔两端,中间有铁栏杆隔着,我们只能遥遥相对,只能以手势打交道!虽然如此,我们曾成功相约一起响应罢食一星期,支持樟宜监牢里的朋友要求改善待遇而罢食。

不久我被转移到别的牢房,和其他等待出境的人关在一起,不准见家属。19693月,我离开女皇镇往伦敦,在监狱中过了将近十三年!

Dr Lim忠于社会主义理想。他坚贞不移。在长达二十年的监狱生涯中,他毫不妥协,抗拒任何威逼利诱,为捍卫自己的尊严和政治原则,做出了巨大的牺牲。

二十年铁窗改变不了Dr Lim的意志,也没办法摧毁他的人格和尊严。他在1982年光荣地走出监狱的大门!

Dr Lim已经离开我们近五年了!但是我们没有忘记我们的这位反殖爱国的人民英雄,他永远活在我们的心中!他的名字将永远留在我国的史册上!


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(英/中文版 ENGLISH/CHINESE )A Tribute to My Respected Dr Lim Hock Siew 怀念我所尊敬的林福寿医生

编者按:

  1. 为纪念已故前社阵杰出领导人、坚贞的人民英雄林福寿医生逝世五周年,林福寿医生生前的战友于20171月出版了《坚贞的人民英雄》;

  2. 《坚贞的人民英雄》是以中英文对照竖版的;

  3. 经《坚贞的人民英雄》编辑部的同意,本网站将分期刊载《坚贞的人民英雄》的文章。

             特此说明。

The People’s Hero’s article 5

 A Tribute to My Respected Dr Lim Hock Siew

 Chan Sun Wing

 

Amongst the people who lived in the same era and in the same country as me, there were two for whom I hold utmost respect. Both of them did not come from rich family background. One of them was Chinese educated and the other English educated. They both stood out among the people in the fifties and sixties of the last century who had the keen passion for knowledge and a keen sense in search of humanity’s direction for future development. One is Chia Thye Poh who graduated from the Nanyang University and the other is the one we are holding memorial service for him today, Dr Lim Hock Siew.

Both of them possessed iron-clad determination and would never yield to persecutions and seducements from the power that be. They persevered in their belief in upholding social justice and fighting for the well-being of the oppressed masses. Both of them had been subjected to the extreme tormenting of more than or close to 20 years of political imprisonment, putting up with the severe hurt, both physically and mentally, that had been inflicted on them and their family members. This is not something that every one of the righteous persons who aspire to be involved in the reformation of the unjust society can withstand. For this, I hold utmost respect for both of them.

 I personally did not have deep personal friendship with them. However, I did work shoulder to shoulder with them in helping, and then opposing the ruling party who had changed color the moment they became the ruler. This ruling party has degenerated from one party who was opposing the colonial rule and serving the suffering masses, into one that had made use of the colonialist power to suppress the progressive  anti-colonial forces. It became a party that A Tribute to My Respected Dr Lim Hock Siew was driven by a small group of powerful upper echelon elites, serving only the interests of the monopolistic group of state capitalism. It is understood that this party has also degenerated into only listening to a certain family. I am very proud and honored that I had the opportunity to have worked with these two university graduates in fighting for the ideals of socialism.

I remember the event more than 20 years ago, that Mr Foong Zhong Han, then senior correspondent of Singapore’s Shin Min Daily, came to Hatyai, South Thailand to interview me. He asked me:

“The life of guerilla warfare in the jungle is so tough. How did you overcome it?”

 I replied:

“There is nothing that cannot be overcome whenever I think of what Chia Thye Poh has gone through. How lucky I am to have the opportunity to have worked with so many people who uphold the same ideals, are well disciplined and are prepared to make ultimate sacrifices in pursuit of our common lofty ideals!”

It is indeed the case that Chia Thye Poh has greatly inspired me with his fearless determination and tenacity. He is younger than me by 10 years. I came to know later that he studied in the same school as me, Singapore Chinese High School, but only at different periods. I still can remember vividly that when I was contesting the Nee Soon constituency as a candidate for Barisan Sosialis, he came to support me. We were then opposing the deceitful and coercive “Merger” of Singapore and Malaya under unequal conditions.

As for Dr Lim Hock Siew, he was editor and writer for Barisan Sosialis’s English publication (Plebian). He imprinted on me an impression of a man who had attained a high level of knowledge in socialist theory. With his quick wit and oral skills, the then PM and lawyer Lee Kuan Yew had found himself in an awkward position of not being able to gain an upper hand. In the early part of 2010 I read the news about the publication of the book (The Momentous Era of the Fajar Movement), which filled a gap in the history books about

Singapore and Malaya. I completely agreed with what lawyer Lim Kian Chye had said during the book launch:

“The pioneers of the Socialist Club are not the same as those ordinary university graduates.”

Dr Lim was a key member in the Barisan Sosialis delegation to the United Nations to appeal against the formation of Malaysia. When I was in the Exco of Barisan Sosialis, I had the chance to observe that, Dr Lim being a man with few words but in possession of incisive viewpoints, comparable to PAP’s Dr Goh Keng Swee.Dr Lim was also the match for Lee Kuan Yew in being equally alert and eloquent. If not for the Operation Coldstore in 1963 that threw into jail the key decision makers of Barisan Sosialis (Dr Lim included), and the more than a hundred of anti-colonial progressives, Barisan Sosialis would have replaced PAP as the ruling party in Singapore. And no one can deny such a judgement.

 About one to two years ago, some old friends who were poring through the colonial department’s archives in London told me:

the decision makers of the British Empire had long deduced that the pioneers of the Malaya Socialist Club did not agree with the path of armed struggle.

In recalling the past now, it is my belief that Mr Lee Kuan Yew, who had a firm grasp of the British colonialists’ intention, had harbored grave misgivings against the core members of the Fajar movement. Well before the formation of the Barisan Sosialis, Lee Kuan Yew had decided to smear and throw into jail those who were perceived to be his obstacles. The British colonialists were most pleased to trust and help Mr Lee and his ilk, who came from universities in Britain and had been fully assimilated. Without a doubt, what Dr Lim and his comrades went through in their life time is a true reflection of the historical path of Singapore and Malaysia.

 I admire Dr Lim greatly because, despite having spent close to 20 years in jail, he did not hold a grudge againts the person who did this to him. It is indeed true that one should transcend above personal grievances with a broad-minded disposition and with a high level of perception. We should all learn from Dr Lim.

I am very much in agreement with what Dr Lim said when he was interviewed by the Straits Times in January 2010. He said:

“The leadership of the Barisan Sosialis was already prepared to make sacrifices for what they believed in.”

“We regard taking part in A Tribute to My Respected Dr Lim Hock Siew politics as answering to the calls of the era, to be a responsibility. To serve the people is a privilege, not a career.”

It was reported that well before Dr Lim passed away, various emerging opposition parties had invited him to join their ranks, to provide suggestions to them on opposing ruling party’s deceitful policies that have caused hardship to the working class. The frail and aged Dr Lim did not take up the invitations. Instead at this advanced age he would still from times to times go to the Rakyat Clinic to provide medical care for the toiling masses at a low fee or at no charge at all. They also reflects that more and more young people are awakening. It does looks like the future of Singapore will be better!

The concluding comments of the article on the interview of Dr Lim Hock Siew by the Straits Times is most apt:

” Mr Lee probably enjoy high reputation internationally, but as a person Mr Lee was no match with Dr Lim’s noble stature.”

Dear comrade Dr Lim Hock Siew, the people of Singapore will remember you forever!

 

 

《坚贞的人民英雄》文集之五

 

怀念我所尊敬的林福寿医生

 陈新嵘

 

和我生活在同一个时代同一个国家的人民当中,有两个令我特别敬佩的,在当地受过大学教育的知识分子。他们两人都出生在并不富裕的家庭。一个受华文教育、一个受英文教育,都是上个世纪五六十年代求知欲强、热衷于探索人类社会发展前景的同辈人中才华出众的人物,他们一个毕业于南洋大学的谢太宝,另一个就是今天大家为他举行悼念会的林福寿医生。

他们两个都意志坚强,不屈从于当权者的迫害利诱,坚持自己为社会正义、为受压迫人民大众谋福利的信仰。他们俩都是经受过超过20年或将近20年政治牢狱的折磨,忍受过对他们和家人身心的严重伤害,这不是每一个有志于改革不合理社会的仁人志士能做得到的。因此,我对他们特别敬佩。

 我和他们没有个人方面的深交。我曾经先后和他们并肩协助和反对过执政后便变质的新加坡执政党。这个执政党从反殖民统治和为劳苦大众服务,沦为借殖民势力之手扼杀反殖进步力量,沦为受一小撮有权有势的社会上层“菁英”驱使的政党,专志于为国家垄断财团服务。据说,这个政党早已沦为听命于某个家族。我对自己曾有机会和这两个大学毕业生在一起为社会主义理想而奋斗,感到自豪和荣幸。

记得二十几年前,新加坡《新明日报》高级记者冯仲汉来到泰南合艾访问我。他问我:

“森林游击战的生活这么艰苦,你是怎样熬过来的?”。

我回答说:

“只要我想起谢太宝的际遇,有什么困难不能克服呢?我能够有机会和许多志同道合、有组织、有纪律、决心为崇高理想献身的人们在一起,不是幸运得多么?”。

的的确确,谢太宝不屈于强权的意志和毅力激励了我。他比我年轻10岁。后来我才知道他念中学时,和我一样就读于新加坡华侨中学,是不同时期的校友。我迄今还记得,我作为新加坡社会主义阵线候选人到义顺选区竞选时,他曾经为我站台。反对在不平等条件下的、既有欺骗性又带强制性的新马合并。

至于林福寿医生,他在负责编写社阵英文版机关报《平民报》(Plebeian)时,给我的印象是:他有很高的社会主义理论素养。他的机智和辩才,会令我熟悉的当上总理的李光耀律师感到难占上风。2010年初,我读过《‘华惹’时代风云》一书出版推介会的新闻报道。这本书填补了新马历史教科书的空白。我完全赞同林建材律师就该书的面世所说的:“社会主义俱乐部的先驱者并非泛泛之辈的普通大学毕业生”。

林医生曾经是到联合国申诉反对成立马来西亚的社阵代表团的主要成员。我在社阵执委会时,有机会察觉到,傅树介医生的寡言和见解精辟,绝不逊于行动党的吴庆瑞博士。林福寿的机敏和辩才至少和行动党的李光耀旗鼓相当。许多历史学者和民众都认为,如果没有1963年发生的所谓“冷藏行动”把林福寿等社阵主要决策者和上百名反殖进步人士投入监狱,社阵必定会取代行动党,成为在新加坡的执政党。这个公断,没有谁能够否认。

一两年前,据在伦敦查阅殖民部档案的老朋友告诉我:

大英帝国的决策者早就断定马来亚社会主义俱乐部的先驱人物不赞同走武装斗争道路。

现在回想起来,我相信善于摸清英殖民当局意向的李光耀先生,当年也因此对“华惹”的核心成员非常顾忌,李光耀先生在社阵成立前,早就下定决心,非等待时机把一切有碍于自己的人加以污蔑和投入监狱不可。英国殖民部乐于信任并暗地里大力扶持李先生这批出自英国大学的接受教化了的优秀人才。毫无疑问,林福寿医生等一生的际遇,恰恰反映着新马历史进程真实的一面。

我很赞赏林福寿医生坐了近20年的监狱,还不记恨那个把他投入监狱的人。的确,要进行社会制度的变革,应该具有超越个人恩怨的宽广胸怀和思想高度。我等应该向林医生学习。

我非常同意20101月中旬林医生接受《海峡时报》访谈回答提问时说的几段话。他说:

“社阵领导层已经准备为信仰献出生命。”

“我们把从政看作是响应时代的呼唤,是责任。为人民大众服务的是一种privilege,不是career。”

据报道,林医生病逝前好一段时期,正在成长中的新加坡各反对党,纷纷邀他加入他们的政党,为他们提供意见,反对执政党各种具有欺骗性的奴役劳动人民的政策和措施,年迈力衰的林医生没有接受反对党的邀请,他时不时还到设立多年的人民药房,亲自为劳苦人民看病,但收费低廉或免费,暮年仍尽力为劳苦大众提供服务,同时也就反映着越来越多的年轻一代正在觉醒。看来,新加坡的明天会更好!

《海峡时报》对林福寿医生做访谈的那篇报道文章,结束语写的很好:

“李先生可能在国际上享有声誉,但作为一个人,林医生的崇高形象,李先生是‘没得比’的!”

林福寿医生同志!新加坡人民将永远怀念你!


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(英文/中文版 ENGLISH/CHINESE)Hock Siew, respected by all 受众人尊敬的福寿

编者按:

  1. 为纪念已故前社阵杰出领导人、坚贞的人民英雄林福寿医生逝世五周年,林福寿医生生前的战友于20171月出版了《坚贞的人民英雄》;

  2. 《坚贞的人民英雄》是以中英文对照竖版的;

  3. 经《坚贞的人民英雄》编辑部的同意,本网站将分期刊载《坚贞的人民英雄》的文章。

             特此说明。

The People’s Hero’s article 4

 Hock Siew, respected by all

 Prof. Arthur Lim

 “You may take away my freedom and separate me from my loved ones but you cannot kill my spirit.” – Lim Hock Siew

“A great Singapore doctor dedicated to the poor” – Prof Arthur Lim  – founder of National Eye Center and classmate ofDr Lim Hock Siew

“…a good and honourable man” – Vivian Balakrishnan- Minister of the Environment and Water Resources

*********************

Once in a century, a nation is blessed with a great leader. In Singapore we had Dr Lim Hock Siew. Hock Siew was a top student at Raffles Institution in the 1940s, where he was already known as a good writer and a leading student orator.

In I950, he joined the University of Singapore as a medical student. He was active in the University of Singapore Students’ Union and was elected chairman of the students’ council, which was the executive committee directing the activities of the union. In 1953 he founded the University Socialist Club.

When eight students, the editors of Fajar — the publication of the Socialist Club — were arrested for sedition, Hock Siew became the chairman of their defence fund.

Despite his studies and numerous activities as a student at the university, Hock Siew became a founder member of the People’s Action Party in 1954.

During this period, Hock Siew was a dedicated socialist leader fighting for the less fortunate and the poor. His courage attracted numerous supporters, not only University of Singapore students but leaders of the labour movement as well.

Hock Siew was a great doctor who cared for his patients. He charged low fees and would not charge if the patients could not afford to pay. This led to long queues at his clinic. A patient, Yuen Kwong Chow, wrote that his assuring words, patience and empathy for everypatient, combined with his respect for all patients, made him the “People’s Doctor”. Lim Hock Siew is an important example for doctors of the world; younger doctors, especially those in private practice, should learn to be less concerned with money and more concerned with the care of the patient. Lim Hock Siew was a wonderful example.

An important part of Lim Hock Siew was his unique sense of humour.

One day, I was riding pillion on his small 250cc motorcycle. He stopped at a corner of Serangoon Road and I had to balance myself on the ground as the bike was small. When the light changed, he went off and left me standing. Then ten minutes later, he returned and asked, “Where were you?”

I recall one of his favourite jokes:

A magic mirror was bought for US$ 1000 and this woman stood in front of it and said, “Mirror, mirror on the wall, make my bosom forty-four.”

The husband saw the magic and asked, “Do you think the mirror would grant me a wish?”

“Of course,” she replied.

He said, “Mirror, mirror on the wall, make my private parts reach the floor.”

You know what happened? He lost both his legs.

Hock Siew, respected by all. In 1961, four years after graduation, Lim Hock Siew formed the Barisan Sosialis, the new left-wing group which had been expelled from the PAP to become the key opposition to the PAP. Major changes developed in Singapore — social, political and economic.

 A dramatic day came at 4 am on 2 February 1963. The police arrested Lim Hock Siew at his home during Operation Cold Store. While in prison without trial, Hock Siew was offered release to be with his wife and son if he would sign papers prepared by the government. Like Mandela from South Africa, Hock Siew refused and remained in prison.

 These were his famous words,

 “You may take away my freedom and separate me from my loved ones, but you cannot kill my spirit.”

 After 20 years, he was released without having to sign any papers. The government had given way and medical alumni friends spoke of how Hock Siew fought the government for his rights to express his ideas. But he paid the supreme price like Mandela and Gandhi. He was imprisoned without trial for 20 years.

Despite imponderable challenges, Lim Hock Siew emerged with his honour and integrity intact. He gained the respect of everyone who knew him.

The story of Lim Hock Siew is essential as future Singaporeans will scarcely believe that such a doctor cxisted.

Lim Hock Siew had wonderful support from his intelligent and dedicated wife: Dr Beatrice Chen is one of the best physicians in Singapore and helped Hock Siew maintain a high quality medical practice. She strengthened his determination. She guided their son, Yue Wen, who graduated from Cambridge, and then his grandson, Sean Lim Jun An.

What of the future?

Hock Siew will be remembered as a great doctor and a national hero.

His 20 years in jail without trial and his dedication to socialism have earned this eminent doctor deep respect by citizens of the world.

 

《坚贞的人民英雄》文集之四

受众人尊敬的福寿

已故林少明教授

本文转载自《向坚定的自由战士林福寿医生致敬》第109页

  “你可以剥夺我的自由,让我与至亲分离,但是你无法扼杀我的精神。” —— 林福寿

“一名为穷人献身的伟大新加坡医生”—— 林少明教授 新加坡眼科中心创始人及林福寿医生的同学

“…… 一位好人、品德高尚的人” —— 维文医生 环境与水源部部长

 **********

一个世纪里,一位伟大领袖降于斯国,是受宠幸,新加坡出了个林福寿医生。1940年代,福寿是莱佛士书院的高材生,当时他已经是知名的写作者和佼佼的学生演说者。

1951年,他进入新加坡大学修读医科。他在新加坡大学学生会非常活跃,当选学生会理事会主席,该会负责组织和领导学生的活动。1953年,他创立了马来亚大学社会主义俱乐部。

当社会主义俱乐部的刊物“华惹”编辑部的8名学生涉嫌煽动罪被捕时,福寿是筹募辩护基金的主角。

1954年,尽管大学学业繁重,他除了负责组织许多学生活动,福寿也是人民行动党的发起人之一。

在这段期间,福寿是个满腔热忱的社会主义领袖,为较不幸者和穷人争取利益,斗争不懈。他的勇气赢得了无数的支持者,不仅仅是新加坡大学的学生,同时包括职工运动的领导人。

福寿是个关怀病人的伟大医生,收费低廉,对那些无法付费的病人则不收费。因此,他的诊所经常是看病者排长龙。

一名叫Yuen Kwong Chow的病患的感言写道:

“他善于安慰、耐心问诊,并细心关怀每个病人和尊重所有病人”,使他成为“人民的医生”。

林福寿是世界上所有医生的出色榜样;年轻医生,特别是那些私自行医者,应当学习他,学习少关注金钱收入,多关心病人的福利。林福寿是一个了不起的榜样。

林福寿重要的另一面,就是他的独特幽默感。

有一天,他驾驶他的250cc型摩多车,我是后座乘客。他在实龙岗路的转角处停下来,等候交通灯转绿。由于我身体高大而车子小,我必须双脚立地,保持平衡。当交通灯转绿时,他径自把摩多车开走,让我原地站立。10分钟后,他折返原处,还问我:“你在何处?”

我想起他爱说的一个笑话:

一位妇人花了1000美元买了一面魔镜,她站在魔镜前说,“魔镜,挂在墙上的魔镜啊,把我的胸围变成44吋吧。”

他丈夫看见魔镜显灵,问道:“你认为魔镜会成全我的许愿吗?”

妻子答说:“当然会。”

他说:“魔镜,墙上的魔镜啊,让我的私部触及地板。”

猜猜结果怎样吗?他失去了双腿。

1961年,也就是林福寿毕业4年后,他成为社会主义阵线的发起人之一。这是个新的左翼组织,由被人民行动党开除的党员组成,后来成为反对行动党的主要反对党,给新加坡在社会、政治和经济方面带来重大改变。

196322日凌晨4点钟是戏剧性的一刻。在冷藏行动下,警察到林福寿家里逮捕他。在不经审讯监禁期间,当局列出条件,若要获释、跟妻儿团聚,必须签署政府拟好的声明。像南非的曼德拉一样,福寿拒绝了政府的条件,继续被监禁。

他说过的这样的名言:

“你可以剥夺我的自由,让我与至亲分离,但是你无法扼杀我的精神。”

20年后,他在没有签署任何文件的情况下获释。政府终於让步了,医学院的校友们都在谈论福寿为争取表达自己观点的权利,跟政府进行斗争。但是,他跟南非的曼德拉和印度的甘地一样,付出了高昂的代价。在不经审讯下,他被监禁了近20年。

 尽管面对难以预见的挑战,林福寿捍卫了自己的完整尊严和高尚品德。他获得每一个认识他的人的尊敬。

林福寿的事迹是值得讲述的,因为未来的新加坡人,很少人会相信新加坡出现过这位品德高尚的医生。 

 林福寿始终获得他聪颖和坚贞不渝的妻子陈宗孟医生支持,真是难能可贵。陈宗孟医生是新加坡杰出的内科医生之一,她协助福寿保持高质量的医疗实践。她使福寿决心更坚,斗志更强。她独自抚育了他们的儿子毓文(Yue Wen),毓文已经从剑桥大学毕业了;接下来是他们的孙子林俊安(Sean Lim Jun An)。

对未来而言,人们会一直怀念福寿是一名伟大医生、国家英雄。20年不经审讯的监禁,对社会主义的奉献,已经赢得了世界人民对这名杰出医生的深深尊敬!


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(英文/中文版 ENGLISH/CHINESE)A Great Hero of the People – Dr Lim Hock Siew 伟大的人民英雄林福寿医生

编者按:

  1. 为纪念已故前社阵杰出领导人、坚贞的人民英雄林福寿医生逝世五周年,林福寿医生生前的战友于20171月出版了《坚贞的人民英雄》;

  2. 《坚贞的人民英雄》是以中英文对照竖版的;

  3. 经《坚贞的人民英雄》编辑部的同意,本网站将分期刊载《坚贞的人民英雄》的文章。

             特此说明。

The People’s Hero’s article 3

 A Great Hero of the People – Dr Lim Hock Siew

 Shi Jian

He was handsome, kindhearted, generous and gentlemanly, with piercing eyes that could penetrate into others’ mind. His cordial demeanor would often imbue others with warmth and kindness.

He displayed through his cultured discourse, an open mindedness that came with great modesty. The extreme bravery in him had been amply manifested by what he had set out to do with sterling results. One saw in him immense resoluteness and gallantry, and his tenacious personality commanded great respect in people around him. The resolute will in him saw him brave through undercurrents without fear and with a generous benevolence. His magnanimity and tolerance saw his boundary and he would laugh heartily on those who were humorous. He would silently go into deep thinking, with a subtle smile that exuded open-mindedness and warmth which is characteristic of an elegant and confident intellectual. He would deal with every event with a high degree of self-discipline and resourcefulness, radiating alertness and wisdom throughout and projecting an imposing figure. His care for his comrades was meticulous. Being studious and staying true to his profession, he was well respected for his services to the poor people at the Rakyat Clinic. All these have left a deep and unforgettable imprint in Dr Lim’s companions and those political prisoners who had been imprisoned together with him. These have in fact have become their eternal collective memory.

The kindness and perseverance of his parents had made a huge impact on him so that he started to shoulder the responsibility of helping with his household chores since he was a teenager. The life of a poor family had tempered him to be more tenacious than others and had also hardened his fighting spirit. The strict family upbringing and constant guidance had embedded a steadfast ethos deep in his heart. Dr Lim was born on 21st February 1931, when the whole world was undergoing an era of grave economic crisis. He grew up during the time when the Japanese fascists launched the war of aggression, invaded Singapore and Malaya, and ruled with bloody terror. The people were plunged into dire suffering and had to survive in immense hardship. Such painful and tormenting environment had molded his unyielding personality and indomitable spirit.

After the war, he proceeded to complete his English primary education. In 1946 he was accepted into Raffles Institution with his excellent results. It was during this period that he started to display personal wisdom and charisma, becoming a member of the editorial committees of the school magazine and the combined schools’ magazine. During those years, South-east Asia witnessed an unprecedented surge in the ideological trend of socialism. This had impacted the heart and mind of this intellectual, and greatly enriched his thought. Meanwhile, the surging tidal wave of anti-colonialism among the people of the world had raised his political awareness and also changed his outlook of life. With themissionary zeal of an intellectual in him, and compelled by a strong sense of responsibility, the youthful Dr Lim was fully prepared to make contributions to the society and the country when the tide of the era came calling. In 1951 he studied in the medical college of the University of Malaya in Singapore and took part in the students’ activities actively, having been chairman of the students’ union and editor of the students’ magazine (University of Malaya). In 1953 he became a founder of the (University of Malaya Socialist Club) and was the editor of its magazine (Fajar). He read widely at the university and studied socialist works such as those of Karl Marx’s philosophy and Adam Smith’s economic theory. Being very studious and able to comprehend succinctly, his reading of those works had elevated his understanding of socialism and strengthened his belief. He said:

“The founding of the Socialist Club of the University of Malaya came at a time when the colonized people of the world were crying out loud and struggling for national independence. Being a university student, I had a compelling sense of obligation and responsibility to join in the struggle of the people of our country….” “What we were concerned about was not only in how we should shake off the colonial rule of our country, but also in how we should resolve the key issues of social and economic difficulties that would confront our people after independence.”

He wrote in an incisive and vivid style that could clearly express his belief. Every argument that he put forth was stated in great detail and the articles he wrote came with a patriotic passion that were both forceful and easy to understand. His writings and speeches are crystallization of his thoughts that exuded both expansiveness and sharpness. One can feel his personality and his thoughts through these. The day on 13th May 1954 saw a blood shedding incident in which the colonial government resorted to using violent means to suppress unarmed Chinese school students who were demanding for exemption from military service. This shocked and enraged Dr Lim. He stated: “In Singapore’s political history, this day marked a turning point in our people’s struggle for political freedom and social justice”. He realized that the timing of this turning point had created the necessary and sufficient conditions for forming a serious anti-colonial political party to represent the interests of the people, especially the workers and the ordinary folk, in the fight for the country’s independence. PAP was founded in this year. But his enthusiasm seemed to have been stifled when he could only become an ordinary member of the PAP. In spite of this, Dr Lim persevered and remained deeply rooted in his own country. He moved on towards his aspirations with a will that was unflinching and firm, and actively assisted the party in its contests in the legislative assembly election in 1955.

After graduating from the university in 1957, he served at Singapore General Hospital and the Tan Tock Seng Hospital.

An election was held under the “Linde Constitution” in Singapore on 31st May 1959. The leadership of the PAP refused to field two outstanding medical doctors Dr Lim Hock Siew and Dr Poh Soo Kai as its candidates. Both were marginalized instead. Holding on firmly to their socialist ideals and belief, they nevertheless took part actively in the election activities and helped the PAP win the election. In spite of all these, both were eventually expelled by the PAP. One could not but feel extreme regret for the fact that their latent sparks of political ideas temporarily could not continue to sparkle. Though devoid of the opportunity to make a greater impact under the circumstances at that point in time, Dr Lim had left a clear imprint that is still visible today.

On 17th September 1961, Barisan Sosialis was founded. Dr Lim was elected a member of the central committee. He was soon tasked with a heavy responsibility of leading a think tank comprising graduates of the University and Malaya and the Nanyang University, to prepare for the elucidation of the party’s policies and documents. He became the editor of the English edition of the (Barisan) magazine. In the same year both Dr Lim and Dr Poh Soo Kai resigned from the government hospitals and set up the Rakyat Clinic at Balestier Road to serve the impoverished masses. In July 1962 he was elected as a member of the joint action council of the opposition parties and went to the United Nations to declare that the British had gone against the wishes of the people of Singapore in their opposition to PAP’s merger plan. During the public debate with Lee Kuan Yew on the eve of the referendum on 2nd September 1962, Dr Lim said:

“in our struggle for the genuine unification of Singapore and Malaya, PAP’s merger plan is a step backward rather than a step forward.”

On the referendum for the merger, Dr Lim criticized harshly that:

“The referendum is a scam cooked up by the government, who set out to deceive the people of Singapore with unprecedented ways and means. This has clearly shown that the ruling party is prepared to hold on to its power by all possible means.”

“The conduct of the PAP is only meant for its short term political interests. This will only lead to the total regression of the momentum of the unification movement, culminating in the break up between Singapore and Malaya.”

The actual outcome later has been so true. The process of uniting Singapore and Malaya had suffered a very serious setback.

“The harm that they had done to the unification of our country is in actual fact a calamity, something that may need to take a few generations of our people to heal.”

During the notorious Operation Coldstore on 2nd February 1963, because of his opposition to the unfair and unequal merger plan, Dr Lim was arrested under the so called Public Order Preservation Act. He was to be detained, without trials in court, for a long period of time. It was in the prison that he was subject to endless suffering and torments, both physically and mentally. Armed with a steely will, Dr Lim waged an extremely hard and bitter struggle in the defense of truth, democracy, human rights and justice. Dr Lim, together with his jailed comrades, conducted hunger strikes to demand for improvement in the food provided. They were later to conduct an even more arduous hunger strike to protest against “reform by labor” which had been unreasonably and brutally imposed on the political prisoners. The political prisoners in the end won the struggle.

In order to assuage the pressure coming from the Amnesty International, the PAP regime

in 1978 fabricated a falsehood of release by transferring Dr Lim from the Changi Prison to Tekong Island and continuing with his detention. This solitary confinement was to last for 4 more years, leaving him to live in isolation and loneliness. However, his towering presence had attracted widespread attention, but he was to remain steadfastly fearless as he had been before. Dr Lim demonstrated his deep love for his country and the people while on the island. Being the only medical doctor on the island, he provided sincere medical services for the people living there, something he cared about deep in his heart. That was the eternal beauty in him and Dr Lim was to continue to live on with his wisdom and resilience.

During the protracted and harsh prison life, Dr Lim spent endless sleepless nights tossing on his bed. He was detained without trial for close to 20 years. He was eventually freed from the prison on 6th September 1982, successfully upholding truth, justice, and maintaining human dignity. Dr Lim paid a very heavy price for his belief and ideals. Aloud he said: “Considering my situation, it is completely without basis to arrest and detain me. I will never accept any theory of legitimacy for my arrest.” He was to say with firmness:

“The painful sacrifices had further solidified our firm determination”.

Dr Lim went on to say:

 “My firm conviction in Barisan Sosialis’s stand on the issue of merger had to a great extent helped me endure the protracted prison life, strengthened my will to overcome all sorts of tribulations and triumphed over all tactics to demolish me. History has proven that my stand and Barisan Sosialis’s stand has been correct.”

After his release, in view of the political reality and with his rich experiences in social activities, he had come to a conclusion that the fight must continue in a firm but moderate way. The rebel in him was in tune with the times when the wave of resistance was a reflection of the rising tide in the country and he looked forward to achieving a higher objective to validate himself. Dr Lim was to reinforce his vitality with a gentle and mature bearing. He surged forth continuously and accumulated richer experiences, sailing off again as a politician who was quick witted, sharp, mature, unyielding and serious. Dr Lim, by his moving forward fearlessly and calmly under cloudy storms, has left an indelible mark in our time. In the twilight years of his life, he had marked out a clear thread of history and endeavored to show the way, with his knowledge and experiences, to a better tomorrow.

Dr Lim lived for a mission to eradicate all inequalities so that a new era could usher into the society. Deep inside him he knew that all the new social systems originate from idealism, and this awareness will arouse the people to long for a new society, as well as imbue in them with a sense of mission. He longed for the setting up of an egalitarian social order and he looked forward to a socialist Singapore that do not exploit and oppress the working class. The story of struggle against colonialism and the fight for social reform of the people of Singapore has been embodied in Dr Lim.

He provided motivation in a special way to the young people of Singapore with his characteristic warmth and rigorousness. Dr Lim stated in firm conviction:

“no political situation can remain stagnant in this world. The day will soon come when the people of Singapore will shake off the political persecution that has lasted for half a century.”

Like a ray of righteousness Dr Lim has provided us with new breath of life and given us new strength. We are able to listen to his enlightening thoughts residing deep within him and come to the realization about the meaning and the value of life. He longed for the youths of our country to step forward boldly, while the tide of history alternates between flows and ebbs.

In the last few moments of his life, Dr Lim had witnessed the birth of new forces from among the youth, and that gave him immense gratification. His life was full of tribulations but was one that sparkled with light that would never extinguish. We are deeply moved and motivated by his unflinching love for the country and the people. A chapter in history was written with his unparalleled mental strength and his upright righteousness. His legacy of unyielding struggle for the truth and unflinching nobility will pass on from generation to generation.

Dr Lim passed away on 4th June 2012 at the age of 81.

Eternal glory to Dr Lim Hock Siew our great hero of the people! Your name will be forever etched in the history book and you will be always remembered by the people!

 Dear Dr Lim Hock Siew, you will forever live in the heart of the people!

 

 《坚贞的人民英雄》文集之三

 伟大的人民英雄林福寿医生

 史坚

他有清秀、慈祥、善良、宽厚和温和的面孔,炯炯有神的慧眼,透人肺腑的目光。在他那文质彬彬的仪表上常使人感到无比亲切与和蔼;在他那文雅谈吐的风韵中隐含着虚怀若谷的胸襟;他有着超群出众的擎天胆魄;在他身上表现着无比的刚毅与壮烈。他性格中的坚韧性令人敬佩。他坚毅的心态,使他处事不惊、持豁达大度的忍耐心境。他的度量能容天下难容之事,他开颜狂笑,笑天下可笑之人。他沉默静思,笑容开朗,知识分子的热情神态,显得雅致,悠然自得。他富有自制力,足智多谋,对一切事情应对自如,浑身闪耀着机敏和智慧,显得气宇轩昂。他对战友们的关怀和照顾无微不至。他刻苦勤勉,敬业乐业,在人民药房为贫苦大众服务的精神,使人佩服。所有这一切都是林福寿医生的同伴和跟他一起被关在牢笼里的政治扣留者所难以忘怀的深刻印记,成为他们永恒的记忆。

由于父母亲的善良和刻苦耐劳给他非常深刻的影响,使他在少年时代就肩负起重担佐理家业;贫苦家庭生活的磨练使他比别人更为坚定不移,尤其是他顽强的斗争意志;严格的家教循循善导,经精心培养的美德深深地植入了他的心灵深处;他诞生在1931221日,正是世界经济危机最严重的年代;他成长在日本法西斯发动侵略战争,侵占新、马,进行血腥恐怖统治的年代,人民生活在水深火热、艰苦求存、痛苦煎熬的环境之中。他个人坚韧不拔的性格和顽强的斗争意志,就是在这时代熔炉中塑造出来的,他的好学与力求上进的精神也是在此时养成的。

战后,1945年他完成了英文小学教育课程。1946年,他以优质生的资格进入了莱佛士书院念中学。这期间,他展现了个人的才智和魅力,成为学校校刊和各校联合校刊的编委之一。

在当年,社会主义的社会思潮,以前所未有的势头涌向东南亚,冲击着知识分子的心灵,丰富了他的思想境界。同时,世界各国人民反对殖民主义的浪潮像洪水般迅猛高涨,提高了他的政治觉悟,也改变了他的人生观。知识分子的使命感,个人对社会的强烈责任感,在时代浪潮的感召下,正值青少年时代的他,准备将来为国家社会作出贡献。

1951年他就读于新加坡的马来亚大学医学院。他积极参加校内的学生活动。曾任学生理事会主席,学生会会讯《马来亚大学》编委。1953年,他是《马大社会主义俱乐部》的发起人之一,是该俱乐部刊物《华惹》的编辑委员。

在大学期间,他博览群书,曾涉猎卡尔·马克思的哲学,阿当史密斯的经济学等社会主义著作。他勤奋好学,领悟性高,这些阅读提高了他对社会主义的认识,坚定了他对社会主义的信念。他说:“马来亚大学社会主义俱乐部的创立,正值全世界范围内的殖民地人民呐喊争取国家独立的时候,身为大学生,我们强烈地觉得自己有义务与责任加入我国人民的斗争…….”,“我们关心的,不仅是我国摆脱殖民统治的问题,还有如何解决独立后人民生活所面对的重大社会与经济难题。”他的文章,笔锋犀利,生动活泼,能鲜明、生动地表达自己的思想信念,每一个论点都能表达得非常详尽,文章雄辩有力,通俗易懂,极富爱国的热烈情怀。在他的文章和演讲稿中,彰显出他那广阔而精邃的思想结晶和智慧,你能感觉到他个人的特征和思想的脉络。

1954513日,新加坡发生了华校中学生要求免服兵役,殖民地政府以暴力镇压手无寸铁的学生,演变成的流血事件,令他感到震惊与愤慨。他指出:

“在新加坡的政治史上,这个日子凸显的是我们人民争取政治自由与社会公正的斗争过程中的一个转捩点。”

他认为在这个转捩点的历史阶段,它具有天时、地利、人和的条件可组织一个严肃的反对殖民主义的政党,代表人民,特别是工人和一般群众的利益和心愿,进行斗争,争取国家独立。人民行动党就是在这一年成立。他的热情似乎受到压制,他只能成为行动党的普通党员。然而,他还是持之以恒地,扎根于自己国土,以坚韧不拔的意志朝目标迈進,1955年,他积极协助行动党参与立法议会的选举。

1957年大学毕业后,他在新加坡中央医院和陈笃生医院服务。

1959531日,新加坡举行“林德宪制”大选。行动党领导层拒绝推举林福寿和傅树介这两位有才智的医生为候选人,他们被边缘化了。然而,他们还是本着反对殖民主义和坚持社会主义的理想和信念,积极参与行动党的选举活动,协助行动党上台执政。虽然如此,他们最终还是被行动党开除了。人民不能不为他们的潜在的政治思想火花暂时未能继续闪亮而感到遗憾与痛惜。虽然他没有机会在当时的环境中发挥更大的作用,但他所留下的印迹,仍然清晰可觅。他在短暂的政治参与中打上了自己的烙印。

1961917日,新加坡社会主义阵线成立。他被选为中央委员会委员。他被委以重任,负责领导一个由马大和南大毕业生组成的“智囊团”,负责准备各种说明有关党的政策和文件,他也出任《阵线报》英文版的主编。同年,他辞去政府医院工作,与傅树介医生合创马里士他路的人民药房,为广大的窮苦人民服务。

19627月他被选为反对党联合行动理事会的成员之一,赴联合国向殖民地委员会陈述英殖民地政府违背新加坡人民反对“行动党的合并计划“的意愿。196292日的全民公投前,在跟李光耀进行公开辩论会上,他这样说:

“在我们争取新加坡和马来亚大陆两地人民实现真正重归统一的斗争中,行动党的合并计划是倒退一步,而不是向前一步。”对于新、马合并的全民公投,他曾提出严厉的批评说:“全民公投是政府捏造的骗局,以史无前例的欺骗手法欺骗新加坡人民,充分表明执政党准备为了保住其权利而无所不用其极”。

“行动党的操弄只是为了短期的政治权益,但却让重归统一的整体动力完全往后倒退,结果造成新加坡与马来西亚分裂”。“后果是,新加坡与马来西亚大陆重归统一的历程,遭到严重挫折。他们对国家统一所造成的破坏,实际上是浩劫,可能需要好几代人才能修复”。

196322日,在恶名昭彰的“冷藏行动”中,因为反对不公平与不平等的马来西亚假合并计划,他在维护公众安全法令下被逮捕,未经法庭审讯长期被扣留监禁。在牢狱期间,历尽了精神与肉体的种种折磨和摧残,他以铮铮硬骨,在捍卫真理、坚持民主、维护人权、伸张正义的理念下,展开了艰苦卓绝的抗争。他和狱中的战友们为了争取改善狱中的日常伙食而展开绝食斗争,更为了抗议不合理的、横蛮強施于政治扣留者的所谓“劳动改造”而进行了艰苦的绝食斗争。最后,政治扣留者终于取得胜利。1978年,为了缓和国际特赦组织的压力,新加坡行动党政府制造一种释放的假象,将他从樟宜监狱转移到德光岛继续加以扣留,单独软禁长达四年,使他生存于孤寂独处之中。

然而,他却像泰山一样引人注目。他仍然保留着无畏无惧的性格特点,他仍然对祖国与人民展现了深挚的爱。他是德光岛唯一的医生,为德光岛的居民提供真诚的医疗服务,这是发自他内心深处志向的永恒美。他依靠自己的智慧和坚强毅力生存下去。

他在那漫长与残酷的牢狱生活中,面对漫漫长夜,辗转反侧。他未经法庭审讯被扣留将近廿年。他在捍卫真理、坚持正义、维护人的尊严的驱动下,终于在198296日获得自由。他为了自己的信仰和理念付出了惨重的代价。他大声呐喊说:

“以我的情况而言,逮捕和扣留我的理据是完全站不足脚的,我绝不轻易苟同拘禁我的正当性。”

他以坚决的口吻说:

“痛苦的牺牲强化了我们坚毅的决心”。

他还说,

“我对社阵的合并立场所保持的坚定信念在很大程度上帮我度过漫长的牢狱岁月,加强我坐牢的斗志,经受住各种磨难,战胜要搞垮我的各种伎俩。历史事实已经证明我的立场和社阵的立场都是正确的。”

获释后,政治的现状和他本身丰富的社会活动阅历让他决心以平和而坚定的形式抗争。作为反抗者的“个人性格”符合了当时反抗浪潮在国家兴起的‘时代特征’。他要在实现一个更有价值的目标过程中证明自己。他以平和而练达的姿态重新增添了自己的活力。他为继续向前迈进积累了更加丰富的经验。他以机智、敏锐、稳健练达、倔强不屈、拘谨严肃的政治家风度与姿态,重新出击。他在急风骤雨之中,保持冷静而坚定的风格,顶着密布的浓云,无畏地向前迈进。

他的所作所为已打上了时代的烙印。他在生命的古稀年代里,已经为历史梳理出明朗的脉络。他仍然试图用他的知识和经验为未来指出一条通往理想彼岸的道路。

他活着就是以铲除一切不平等,让社会进入一个新时代为使命。他深知一切崭新的社会制度都是源于理想,它激发人民对新社会的渴望,也培养他们的使命感。他希望建立一个更为公平的的社会秩序,他期盼着一个没有剥削和压迫劳动阶层的新加坡社会主义社会。在他个人的身躯里已经蕴含着新加坡人民反对殖民主义与变革社会的“斗争故事”。

他以独具特色的热诚与严谨并济的方式,并以非同寻常的格式向我国的青年人提供了思想上的激励。他以坚定的信心指出:

“世上没有一种政治形势是可以永远保持停滞不变的。不久,人民摆脱新加坡半个世纪以来的政治压迫的日子终究会到来”。

他让我们在一种正义的光芒中获得了生命的呼吸和力量,也让我们俯首倾听来自于他的思想深处的启示,领悟生命的意义和价值。

他祈望我国年青的生命,随着潮起潮落、高潮低潮的交替旋律中,稳步奋勇前进,使历史的歌声继续不断地再添新韵。

在他生命的最后时光里,看到年轻的生命正在起舞,翠绿枝叶正在挺直,他感到无限的欣慰。他的苦难人生,闪耀着永不熄灭的光辉。他的坚贞不屈爱国爱人民的情怀,给予众人极大的鼓舞。他那无与伦比的思想力量和坚持真理与正义的浩然正气,谱写了动人心弦的正义颂歌。他那捍卫真理,坚贞不渝的崇高品质以及他那生命不息,战斗不止的伟大气魄,将流传千里,流芳百世。

201264日林福寿医生与世长辞,享年81岁。

伟大的人民英雄林福寿医生,永垂不朽!您的名字永载史册,人民将永远怀念您!您是一位伟大的人民领袖,永远活在人民心中!