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(英文/中文版)(ENGLISH/CHNIESE)Remembering Lim Hock Siew – a steadfast revolutionary 怀念林福寿¬——一位顽强的革命者

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  1. 为纪念已故前社阵杰出领导人、坚贞的人民英雄林福寿医生逝世五周年,林福寿医生生前的战友于20171月出版了《坚贞的人民英雄》;

  2. 《坚贞的人民英雄》是以中英文对照竖版的;

  3. 经《坚贞的人民英雄》编辑部的同意,本网站将分期刊载《坚贞的人民英雄》的文章。

             特此说明。

坚贞的人民英雄 cover (high-res)

The People’s Hero’s article 2

Remembering Lim Hock Siew – a steadfast revolutionary

 Poh Soo Kai

Hock Siew came from a rather large family. He went to an English medium school while his younger brothers and sisters attended Chinese-medium schools.

While studying in Raffles Institution, Hock Siew was not involved in the Chinese-medium school students’ activities. In fact, he was quite opposed to his brothers and sisters holding student meetings at their house.

At Raffles Institution, he was a prefect and co-editor with Francis Seow from St Joseph’s Institution for the combined schools’ magazine.

At university, he was a founder and active member of the Non Hostelite Organisation (NHO) which catered for the social activities of students, mainly from Singapore, who did not stay on campus.

Hock Siew was also a founding member of the University Socialist Club (USC). But it was the May 13, 1954 incident that radically politicised him. The British colonial government had brutally assaulted the Chinese-medium schools students when they wanted to present a petition peacefully for postponement of national service – his brothers and sisters were among the petitioners. Hock Siew became acutely aware of the social conditions in Singapore for those outside of the schools and the university of the English educated elite.

Following closely on the heels of May 13, 1954 was the arrest of the Fajar editorial board. Hock Siew rallied round the USC and with Tan Seng Huat, was instrumental in the collection of donations for the Fajar Defence Fund. Sometime after the trial, he joined the editorial board of Fajar.

He was a founding member of the PAP, but very quickly became disillusioned by those actions and policies that did not reflect its founding socialist principles. Nevertheless, he soldiered on for the PAP during the 1955 elections held under the Rendel constitution. He was one of the two university undergraduates whom Lee Kuan Yew alluded to in his memoir as helping the PAP do mass mailing to the electorate in their personal capacity. The University Socialist Club did not associate itself with the PAP in this action.

In 1957 some PAP members headed by Goh Boon Thor and Tan Say Jame received a message from Devan Nair who was in prison, through his lawyer TT Rajah. The message instructed them to vote 6 persons from their camp into the PAP central committee to counterbalance the Lee Kuan Yew camp. Hock Siew immediately suspected a trap and went to see Goh and Tan in the Bukit Timah branch to dissuade them from carrying out this instruction.

Hock Siew was opposed to the cadre system introduced by Lee Kuan Yew to control the PAP. This, among other reasons, led to his sacking from the PAP in 1959. Subsequently when the BarisanSosialis was formed, he was among its founder members. He was the editor of The Plebeian – the English language paper of the Barisan Sosialis until his arrest in Operation Coldstore on February 2, 1963. His son was then 5 months old.

Hock Siew was kept in Changi Prison’s E Hall with over one hundred detainees. He had the difficult task of maintaining order and discipline in a crowd of activists who were not all from the Barisan, but many other organisations as well. Hock Siew rose to the occasionand discharged his duties admirably – making life more bearable in that oppressive atmosphere. He was very well respected by all in E Hall.

While in prison Hock Siew produced the most devastating critique of the abuse of the Internal Security Act. His statement, ‘Bitter Sacrifice Strengthens Bold Resolve’ was smuggled out and circulated among student and human rights groups overseas. It continues to be an inspiration.

For his steadfast stand, Hock Siew was deprived of his liberty and family for almost 20 years. His son was an adult when he was released.

His contribution to the struggle for freedom and justice for Singapore and humanity will be immortalized!

 

《坚贞的人民英雄》文集之二

 怀念林福寿­——一位顽强的革命者

傅树介

福寿生长的家庭,成员颇多。他是到英校读书,而他的弟妹们都在华校就读。在莱佛士书院读书时,福寿并没有介入华校学生的活动。其实,他起初是相当反对他的弟妹们召集同学们到家里来开会。

在莱佛士书院时,他也是个学生巡察员,并跟来自圣约瑟书院的萧添寿合编学生杂志。

在读大学时,他创立了非寄宿生组织,并积极参加其活动,照顾主要是新加坡籍的大学非寄宿生,安排他们的社交活动。

福寿也是马大社会主义俱乐部的发起人之一。不过,是1954年的“5•13事件”激发了福寿的政治积极性。英国殖民政府粗暴地殴打为争取国民服役缓役而举行和平请愿的华校中学生,其中有他的弟妹们。于是,福寿才深刻了解在受英文教育精英阶层的学校和大学圈以外的新加坡社会状况。

紧随“5•13事件”之后,《华惹》编辑部成员遭逮捕。福寿跟马大社会主义俱乐部紧密团结在一起,他跟陈承发扮演重要角色,积极筹募《华惹》案的辩护基金。

他是人民行动党发起人之一,但很快地感到心灰意冷,因为该党的行动和政策,违背了创党的社会主义原则。尽管如此,他仍旧在1955年的林德宪制大选期间,尽力为行动党工作。李光耀在其回忆录中,不指名提到两位大学生私下协助行动党寄发大批邮件给选民,其中一位大学生就是福寿。当时,马大社会主义俱乐部在这方面跟行动党没有建立任何关系。

 1957年,以吴文斗和陈世鑑为首的一些行动党员,收到蒂凡那通过其律师知知拉惹从监狱传出的信息,指示他们推出6人竞选,打入行动党中央委员会,跟李光耀派分庭抗礼。福寿马上怀疑这是一个圈套,于是亲自前往武吉知马支部找吴文斗和陈世鑑两人,劝阻他们执行蒂凡那的指示。

福寿反对李光耀为了控制行动党而推行的干部党员制,为此,加上其他原因,他于1959年遭开除出党。后来,社会主义阵线成立,他是发起人之一。他担任社阵英文版喉舌《平民报》(Plebeian)的主编,直到196322日的冷藏行动下被捕。当时,他的儿子才5个月大。

福寿在樟宜监狱E座牢房跟100多个政治被扣留者关在一起。除了社阵党员,他们包括其他团体的活动分子。要在这一大群人当中维持秩序井然、有纪律的生活,任务繁重。福寿不负众望,令人赞赏地履行职责,让大家在那压制性的环境中,活得更自在。在E座牢房,牢友都非常敬重他。

1972318日,他在监牢里发表展现“艰苦牺牲志更坚”豪气的声明,语气极其强烈地抨击内安法之滥用;声明从监狱中私带出来,在海外学生组织和人权团体间广泛流传,其精神至今仍鼓舞着大家。

福寿因其坚定不移的立场,遭剥夺自由、失去和家人团聚将近20年。在他获释时,他的儿子已经是成年人了。

福寿为新加坡的自由和公正而斗争,为人类幸福而斗争,大义凛然,永垂不朽。

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