人民论坛

小溪细水汇集而成形成汹涌的大海洋

(英文/中文版)Dr Lim Hock Siew – the resolute and faithful son of the people 刚毅坚贞的人民之子林福寿医生

留下评论

编者按:

  1. 为纪念已故前社阵杰出领导人、坚贞的人民英雄林福寿医生逝世五周年,林福寿医生生前的战友于20171月出版了《坚贞的人民英雄》;

  2. 《坚贞的人民英雄》是以中英文对照竖版的;

  3. 经《坚贞的人民英雄》编辑部的同意,本网站将分期刊载《坚贞的人民英雄》的文章。

             特此说明。

The People’s Hero’s article 8

 Dr Lim Hock Siew – the resolute and

faithful son of the people

 Ho Yik Meng

Historical background

Malaya after the Second World War went through a historical period that was both deeply unforgettable and deeply touching. On one hand, the British colonialists resorted to the use of high handed rule in a bid to maintain their strategic economic and military interests. On the other hand, the people of Malaya, after going through the suffering and rising in resistance during the Japanese occupation, began to struggle pointedly against the British colonial ruler.  Declassified documents have shown that from the period between 1948 and 1955, a total of about 30,000 patriots were either arrested or forcibly deported by the British colonialists. The British records would brand these anti-British women and men as “bandits” and “terrorists”. In 1954, there came a turning point when middle school students from Chinese schools started the 5.13 student movement. It signaled the beginning of the anti-colonial struggle, fought within the constitutional confine and conducted by the people of Singapore when it was separated from Malaya. They fought for a united, independent, democratic, just and equal Malaya nation that would include Singapore. The anti-colonial fighters would rise one after another to take up position of their fallen comrades in the struggle. They were subject to imprisonment, persecution, deportation and the ultimate sacrifice and they finally achieved the creation of the selfgoverned administration in 1959. Turbulent undercurrent emerged within the anti-colonial movement thereafter. The pro-British Lee Kuan Yew clique openly colluded with the British colonialists and the ruling authorities in Malaya and plotted for a Malaysia that would suppress the leftist forces, paralyze parliamentary democracy, and strip off democratic rights and basic human rights of the people.

It was under this historical background that there emerged, from the English speaking sector in Singapore, an outstanding friend of the people who was fearless to the might of the power that be and who upheld the truth. He was none other than Dr Lim Hock Siew, whose resolve was greatly strengthened by his immense sacrifice. On the day of 2nd February 1963, under the tremendous weight of the popular forces, the British, Malaysia and Singapore authorities were deeply fearful of losing the Singapore general election. They resorted to taking off their hypocritical masks and trampled on their trumpeted “sacred cow” of parliamentary democracy, and made use of the notorious Public Order Preservation Act (predecessor of the Internal Security Act) to wantonly arrest political adversaries and dissidents. The fighters were detained without trials and through indefinite detention, were made to suffer both physical and mental torments and subject to threats and inducements of all sorts, with a view to destroying their political will. The firm and unyielding Dr Lim, who held on to the truth and advocated democracy and human rights, spent 20 years of his life in jail during which he suffered immensely but emerged even stronger. In the eye of the masses, comrades, relatives and those who had fallen ill, Dr Lim was more of a cultured, softspoken, friendly gentleman who exhibited the noble characteristics of a man with great generosity, compassion, encouragement, care and empathy.

Formation of lofty aspirations while still a student

Back in 1931 in a house at Campbell Lane in Little India, a baby was born. That was Lim Hock Siew, who was the third child in the family. There were subsequently 7 more siblings. His father was Dr Lim Hock Siew – the resolute and faithful son of the people illiterate and was a fish monger at Tekka Market who put emphasis on the children’s education. Lim Hock Siew was educated in an English school since young. His study was halted during the Japanese occupation and he had to distribute tapioca and palm oil for a living. He later helped his father selling fish at the market. When the war was over, he enrolled into the nearby Rangoon Primary School to continue for two school terms and then went on to the prestigious Raffles Institution. Being highly intelligent and studious, and with a ferocious appetite for knowledge, the library had become a place for the nourishment of his mind. He participated in school debates and speech competitions, and also became editor of the school magazine. More than only being gifted with eloquence, he excelled in thinking and writing capabilities. Being a child who went through the baptism of war and grew up to be a mature youth early, he said: “The environment in which I grew up had made me realized the problems and difficulties that the poor are facing. That is a lesson in political education in itself.” The young Dr Lim was deeply influenced by Nehru, especially by the letters that the latter wrote to his daughter. Rejecting his school being in awe of the British Empire, Dr Lim had early developed patriotic and people loving aspirations. He cared deeply for the people around him, availed himself to meaningful knowledge, and thought about the future of the country. These were early indications of Dr Lim’s chosen path for his life. The periodduring which he was receiving medical education at the University of Malaya (1951 – 1957) was the crucial time when his political aspirations were formed and his dedication to the country was firmed up.

 Involvement in the anti-colonial movement

Lim Hock Siew was passionate about the medicine subject at the university. By his own words: “It is a humanitarian subject”. When he was in the first year at university in 1951, his course work was very heavy due to the need to catch up with some science subjects which had not been taught at Raffles Institution. In spite of being working hard at his studies, he helped to organize the non-boarding students who made up 40% of the student population. He was a founding member of the Socialist Club of the University of Malaya in 1953, and was a council members of the University of Malaya Students’ Union for three terms, one of which serving as the chairman. In March 1954 the Socialist Club of the University of Malaya was charged with slander by the colonial government for publishing the article (On Aggression to Asia) in the seventh publication of its magazine Fajar (meaning the dawn). Lim Hock Siew scouted around for donations and helped to look for lawyers to represent the affected students. It was then he came to know Lee Kuan Yew who also came from Raffles Institution and who had become a lawyer. During the court trials Dr Lim assumed the responsibilities of being the editing committee member of the Fajar magazine, as well as being the editor of the Students’ Union journal. Lim Hock Siew’s university days coincided with the time when the British colonial authorities were ruling with the Emergency Act to brutally suppress the forces of the people. After a period of relative lull, the anti-colonial movement began to regain its elements. Workers began to unite around their unions and the labor movement was gathering strength. A new batch of progressive students emerged in the University of Malaya. While the anti-vice movement was gathering steam, students from the Chinese schools had awakened in droves when the preparations to set up the Nanyang University had culminated into waves of defending national education. Meanwhile the Socialist Club of the University of Malaya had defeated the colonial government’s judiciary persecution. The ground had been reverberating and finally a breakthrough occurred on 13th May 1954, the May 13 Incident in which Chines school students rose to oppose the military service enactment. Dr Lim Hock Siew described what happened on that day as: “A turning point in the people’s struggle for political freedom and social justice.” At the end of the year the People’s Action Party was formed. Dr Lim, who had interacted with Lee Kuan Yew before, became one of its Dr Lim Hock Siew – the resolute and faithful son of the people founding members. It is apt to say that Dr Lim, by now 23 years old, had ideologically embraced socialism; and politically determined to break free from the British colonialism and to stand together and share the same hardship as the people. Coming from an English educated professional this is indeed a special rarity. From then on Dr Lim’s life had been intertwined with the causes of the people of Malaya and Singapore. When Lee Kuan Yew was still deceitfully masking his pro-British stand, Dr Lim regarded him as a comrade such that he would readily go in and out of Lee’s residence at 38 Oxley Road. During the general election in 1955, Dr Lim assisted Devan Nair in contesting the Farrer Park constituency, and Lim Chin Siong at the Bukit Timah constituency.

In 1956, Dr Lim witnessed firsthand what the police did to the unarmed students and the gathering crowd outside the Chinese High School. The people had conscientiously initiated acts of antipersecution and this led to island wide riots which the British colonialists took full advantage of to suppress and disband labor, farmer, student and cultural organizations. Many patriotic anticolonialist leaders from all ethnicities were arrested, including Lim Chin Sion whom Dr Lim regarded as a “national hero”.

The first party purge by Lee Kuan Yew

The flame for change have been ignited and there was no way it could be extinguished. The anti-colonial forces re-grouped and set off once more. Lee Kuan Yew’s position was challenged in the PAP party convention in 1957, and Dr Lim, who was then working at the General Hospital, did not manage to mediate in-between. Having ulterior motives, Lee rejected the party’s election result, relying on the British to destroy his opponents by throwing them into jail, deportation and marginalization. With the aid from the British, Lee regained control over PAP’s executive committee. He implemented the cadre system in the same year, thus hijacking PAP’s grassroots with undemocratic methods to entrench the party central which was ubservient to him. This had paved the way for his betrayal of the people’s causes and collusion with the British and Malaysian authorities in the later days. The Lee clique thereby deprived Dr Lim and other party members who were upright and outspoken, and even some founding members, of their rights to be qualified as cadres and prevented them from becoming candidates for the legislative council election. After the general election in 1959, the party membership of Dr Lim and some 140 people were annulled without reason. With this Lee walked further down the road of betrayal. In 1961, the British, Malayan and Singapore authorities finally tossed out “Malaysia” with a view to eliminating in one fell swoop the popular forces that were determined to carry on with the anti-colonial struggle. Both Dr Lim and Dr Poh Soo Kai resigned from their posts at the government hospital and jointly set up the Rakyat Clinic. Together with Lim Chin Siong they founded Barisan Sosialis to confront the PAP directly, within the constitutional confine, on the issue of Malaysia and the Merger. Being a central committee member of the

Barisan, Dr Lim saw through the trick of the authorities in Britain, Malaya and Singapore, that they were not striving for a genuine, united and equal merger so that people from across the land could enjoy the same rights accorded to citizens, and the same right of political representation. Rather they all had their own axe to grind, made underhand secret dealings and completely disregarded the longterm interests of the people of Malaya and Singapore. In July 1962, Dr Lim, together with Dr Lee Siew Choh and Woodhull, set off to New York to elucidate the stand of the Barisan Sosialis to the United Nations Colonialism Committee. Dr Lim repudiated Lee Kuan Yew during public debates that:” In our struggle for the genuine unification of the people of Singapore and Malaya, PAP’s merger plan is a step backward, not a step forward.”

Arrest under Operation Coldstore on 2nd February

On one hand playing with merger options, on the other hand using Dr Lim Hock Siew – the resolute and faithful son of the people threats and smears, the PAP regime dishonorably “won” the referendum on merger on 2nd September 1962. In recalling this episode in history, Dr Lim said: “The result of the option A of the referendum did not change our analysis. Barisan had steadfastly proposed to hold a general election so that the people of Singapore could make genuine decision. During the general election we will make full preparations to convince the people of Singapore to give us their mandate to strive for full and complete merger and to achieve independence on the framework of an integrated nation of Malaya.” The expressed views and plans of Dr Lim and other Barisan’s leaders had shown that they were acting within constitutional confine. However, to prevent their predictable election debacle, the PAP regime created a political earthquake on 2nd February 1963 by arresting more than 100 anti-colonial leaders and core members, Dr Lim included, under the so called Operation Coldstore. Dr Lim, a man who was an idealistic and aspiring university graduate, a founding member of PAP, a humanitarian doctor who persisted on serving his patients despite his own illness, a founding member of the Barisan Sosialis, a loyal patriot who opposed a merger plan that would bring calamity to the nation and misfortune to the people, would thus lose his own freedom for 20 solid years, but not 5, 10 or 15 years! What had he done and who had decided he was guilty? Let’s see what Dr Lim himself said: “To take part in politics is to safeguard the people’s interests, to strive to fulfill their wishes. For this I firmly believe that we must be in possession of integrity, intellectual faithfulness and certain basic principles.” He would later pointedly said aloud: “The failure of the merger plan will further exacerbate the gap between the people of Singapore and the people of mainland Malaya. Not only will there be a lost golden opportunity to create a united Malaya nation caused by the opportunistic PAP, the federal government and the British, but also the perspective of the Singapore people regarding the whole of Malaya will be strangled by PAP in order to mask the failure of its merger plan.” The true fact of the history is that Malaysia was not what Lee Kuan Yew had trumpeted it to be “like the sun rising from the east”. The merger of Singapore and Malaya did not even have a “rosy future”. Less than a year after the Merger, Singapore witnessed unprecedented ethnic riots in succession in July and September of 1964. Lee did not have the gut to face up to the reality, but to discard his previous “solemn commitment” and boastful talks. Who in the end had said it right and done it right? Who had acted according to the law? Who had pleaded for the people? Isn’t all this as clear as it can be?

Struggle against persecution in the prison

British declassified documents have shown that Lee was the mastermind behind Operation Coldstore on 2nd February. His selfishness caused him to make use of the colonial era Public Order Preservation Act to conduct arrests in the middle of the night, to wantonly and without court trials imprison and demolish others in jail indefinitely. The British had used this brutal act to maintain white terror for the preservation of the colonial interests. Lee inherited this tool for maximum effect. When Dr Lim was taken away by the secret agents he had been married for less than two years, leaving behind his baby son of five months old. He had been to prisons big and small in Singapore, from Outram Prison, Queenstown Prison, Central Police Station to Changi Prison, Mount Rosie, and Jervois Road residences for home affairs’ senior officers, and Tekong Island. In July 1963, he was transferred to E Hall of Changi Prison and lived among more than 100 political prisoners. Low Tai Thong, a former leader of the labor movement who had been imprisoned for 13 years and then deported by PAP, recalled those days:” Dr Lim was the most respected leader among us political detainees. Being friendly to everyone and carrying no air, he would speak with a soft voice. He would think through issues calmly and comprehensively and would become our think tank and advisor. We would naturally think of approaching him for help or opinion whenever there were personal or family issues that we could not sort out. Being a medical practitioner, Dr Lim Hock Siew – the resolute and faithful son of the people he would become our health advisor, dispensing his professional opinions and care. Dr Lim was also our nutritionist, seeing to it that our daily supply of foodstuff met with the daily basic nutritional requirements.

Under his leadership we lived together with high discipline. All of us would perform our own tasks conscientiously and cooperatively in this collective living, such as preparing for our 3 meals, area cleaning, studying and recreational activities.”

However, the PAP regime would soon make life harsher for the political prisoners, using all ways and means to coerce the detainees to “confess”, “repent” and “make a stand”. Dr Lim had been subject to solitary confinement in the Central Police Station which was dark and filthy, insect-infested, and devoid of reading materials. “This place was not even fit for locking up livestock. The five of us went on a hunger strike. I was admitted to hospital due to bleeding from stomach ulcer”. The persecution by the PAP regime were to further intensify later, treating the political prisoners as criminals and imposed forced labor upon them. They said: “This is one of the training programs for reform….doing this will be beneficial to you as a medical doctor, rendering your hands to be more nimble…. This is the law and you will be paid 8 cents per day.” “ So we conducted the hunger strike, some persisted for 3 consecutive months and the women political detainees lasted 130 days. 3 weeks after my hunger strike, they came in and said to me they would relieve me of forced labor.” The forced labor plan of the PAP regime met with failure eventually.

The hypocrisy of “act according to law” exposed

In order to strike at the morale of the detainees in the prison, the authorities went to the extent of using the English language newspaper the Straits Time to disseminate false information about fighting in the Changi Prison between Dr Lim and Lim Chin Siong and others, and Lim Chin Siong was injured and admitted into hospital. In reality, Lim Chin Siong and Dr Lim was locked up separately in RB and E Hall respectively. There was complete separation between these two wards and there was no way they could move to each other’s ward to make physical contacts. Dr Lim initiated a libel suit against the Straits Times who had to apologize. However, the mastermind behind this went scot free. The PAP regime had resorted to unscrupulous tactics to advance its hidden agenda and Dr Lim had struck back accordingly, exposing the hypocrisy of their so called “act according to the law”. Dr Lim had also given scathing lashes at the advisory committee which existed in name only under the Internal Security Act. This committee consisted of 3 members, with a judge being the chairman. They summoned Dr Lim for hearing, but deprived him of his right to engage lawyers on the pretext of law. The apparent errors on the charge sheets were not allowed to be corrected and he was left to be unclear about the blanks in the charge sheets. Dr Lim was asked to take part in a judiciary farce under a closed, non-transparent, and undemocratic environment. It was of no surprise that such a system of advisory committee, which was cloaked in legality but was actually meant for indefinite detention, was boycotted by the warriors in the prison. In 1971, Dr Lim was transferred to Central Police Station prison to be detained with his brother Lim Hock Kun in a cell with better conditions. The objective was to seduce him to profess his stand in exchange for the release of him and his brother. This was roundly rejected by Dr Lim. In 1972 Dr Lim publicly released his statement-in-prison, through his wife Dr Beatrice Chen , categorically refuting the ridiculous logic of ISD officers: asking him to support parliamentary democracy but barring him from political activities, to denounce publicly “violence” which he had never advocated, to save the face of Lee Kuan Yew. Dr Lim remarked with scorn: “They found the wrong actor.” Because of this, Dr Lim was made to endure another 10 years of suffering in the prison. Finally, at their wits’ end with Dr Lim who was described by the Amnesty International as a prisoner of conscience, and to ease international pressure, the PAP regime had to move this iron-willed Dr Lim Hock Siew – the resolute and faithful son of the people man to Tekong Island for confinement. This was to create a false impression of release but would in actual fact continue depriving him of his freedom and basic human rights. This was to continue till 1982, when his “sentence” had lasted more than the limit of a life imprisonment, and Dr Lim would become the longest serving political detainee at that time.

Joint names to demand for abolishment of Internal Security Act

In the 4 years of exile on the Tekong Island, Dr Lim was able to provide medical services to the few thousands of residents and became the only people’s doctor on this island. Having nothing else to repay his kindness, the island residents would contribute poultry and eggs as a sign of gratitude. Dr Lim’s spirit of serving the people had remained the same throughout. What had motivated Dr Lim to be so resolute and loyal? He said: “I am firmly convinced of the stand of the Barisan Sosialis on the Merger issue. This has helped me to a great extent in enduring the protracted prison life, in hardening my resolve for struggle and to endure all the hardships, to triumph over all attempts to break me up. History has proven correct our stand and Barisan’s stand.” He further said: “All these hardships have opened my eyes wider to see through the real face of this regime, the nature of its dictatorship and its brutality.” After his release from jail, Dr Lim returned to Rakyat Clinic at Balestier Road. Parliamentary democracy Singapore in the eighties existed in name only, with the PAP being the dominant party. Elitism, utilitarianism, loss of cultural bearing, tossing about in education, and political persecution were merely means for the purpose of entrenching the PAP ruling party and enriching a minority. The road to democracy, freedom, human rights, equality, justice and happiness was unprecedentedly bumpy. However, the conscience of the people was still alive and Dr Lim, just like many others, guarded and upheld personal integrity at that time. He followed the current affairs closely, cared for the sick, lent helping hands to others, remembered old friendships and received many new ones and was attracted to the arts. The prolonged hardships meted out to him did not douse his passion for life. In the later stage he stood out without fear for personal safety to devote himself for social justice. On 9th February 1996, his comrade Lim Chin Siong passed away. Dr Lim delivered the eulogy (Salute to Lim Chin Siong) at the memorial service with heart felt emotion that was truly rousing. He revered Lim Chin Siong as a national hero who “motivated and led the masses and valiantly liberated them from the colonial rule”, “Chin Siong had exhibited a gigantic sense of justice that transcended above personal gain in order to serve the people wholeheartedly”. He made the clarion call to “commemorate, cherish and consolidate the lofty and uncompromising spirit” of Lim Chin Siong. Some of his remarks are in fact so befitting to Dr Lim himself today. On 4th November 2009 he attended the book launch of (The Momentous Fajar Era) despite his own sickness, and charged at, from the vantage point of constitution and with his personal experiences, the brutality of the PAP regime’s ISA. He pointed out: “The most important democratic right is the constitutional right of the Singaporeans……. Imprisonment without trials is against peace, and an act of violence.” Martyn See, a young local film director recorded his speech into a short film which was subsequently banned by the PAP regime. This truly exhibits a lack of conscience! On 21st September 2011, a total of 16 former detainees, including Lim, Poh Soo Kai, Said Zahari and others jointly petitioned for the abolishment of the colonial era ISA. On 25th October in the same year, he spoke of his own experiences and observations in, and insight gained from being involved in politics.

His opinions that merit out attention

Dr Lim held several pieces of opinion during his lifetime that merits our attention.

Firstly, he had chosen to adopt parliamentary democracy from the beginning. This does not merely include holding election every four to five years, but also encompasses freedom of Dr Lim Hock Siew – the resolute and faithful son of the people ideas, opinions, gathering and publication. However, being with the British and in order to hold on to his power, it was none other than Lee Kuan Yew who practiced dictatorial rule under the guise of parliamentary democracy and suppressed the genuine anti-colonial patriots. This is exactly the difference between both sides.

Secondly, the absence of the left gave rise to racialism. The British, PAP and UMNO had spared no efforts in exterminating the left and this had prevented the unity among the working class who made up more than 80% of the population, providing a fertile ground for racialism. The result is not only the unification of Malaya could not be achieved, but this had also severely tore apart the intimate connection between the people of Singapore and Malaya.

Thirdly, from a historical perspective, changes will surely arrive. We must continue to be optimistic in this. There will be an intense, “hopefully non-violent” struggle in future.

Fourthly, Dr Lim had firm conviction that socialism will be the final outcome of human’s struggles. “No one should let his idealism and faith evaporate. Under any circumstances one should persist in consolidating his own conviction……a life that is devoid of conviction and idealism is but only a meaningless existence.”

Fifthly, he was highly self-disciplined but was generous towards others, and would reason with friends on what is right. “Whenever one is downcast or is losing the will to fight on due to prolonged detention, one must act according to his own conscience……and stand firm……and expose the injustice in our country and the realities of the lack of democratic rights and basic human rights.”

Sixthly, one cannot rule out that the mischief perpetuated by traitors within Barisan Sosialis had caused it to be disunited in the later days. But one should also look at the dilemma caused by the arrest of the key Barisan leaders. The debate between Barisan and the leftist labor unions was to lose its focus. “It is going down a wrong path by incessantly shouting about false independence in order to oppose the PAP, because using slogans for our struggle can only confuse the people.”

Living forever in the heart of the people

In spite of his ill health in his later years to the extent of having to go for regular dialysis, Dr Lim was still in possession of strong will and was availed with good care from his family. For him it was work and study as usual, and social activities had never ceased. He would still drive his old Mercedes to Rakyat Clinic to provide medical care for patients, be it rain or shine. Weekends were for meeting friends, learning to paint or visiting galleries. He would never miss the gathering among old friends on every third day of the first lunar month to let each other know all was well. Little did we expect to hear of the sad news of his sudden departure due to heart attack on 4th June 2012. Dr Lim left behind his family and friends, and the people for whom he fought for the whole of his life. There are people who availed themselves with immerse power in their hand, who resorts to pulling the wool over the eye of the public and enameled themselves with glamour. They indulge themselves in self-deception and selfflattery. There are also people who are righteous, indomitable andaboveboard, and dedicate themselves to serving the society. They never forget their mission to bring about happiness to the people throughout their life. Lao Zi said: “longevity is one who dies but is never forgotten”. This has been aptly manifested in Hock Siew (literally meaning Happiness and Longevity).

Dear Dr Lim Hock Siew, you will forever live in the heart of the people!

 

《坚贞的人民英雄》文集之八

 刚毅坚贞的人民之子林福寿医生

 何毅明

历史背景

第二次世界大战之后的马来亚,经历过刻骨铭心、可歌可泣的历史阶段。一方面,英国殖民主义者为维护在马来亚的经济和军事战略利益而诉诸铁腕统治。另一方面,熬过日治苦难和奋起反抗的马来亚人民,与英国殖民主义统治者展开针锋相对的斗争。解密文件显示,从19481955年间,有三万名爱国人士被英殖民当局逮捕甚或强行驱逐出境。

在英国人的记录中,这些抗英人士成了“暴徒”(bandit) 和 “恐怖分子”(terrorist)。1954年华校中学生掀起五一三学生运动,是一个转捩点,标志着从马来亚被分割出来的新加坡人民,在宪制范围内开展反殖斗争,争取包括新加坡在内的统一、独立、民主、公正、平等的马来亚。反殖斗士前仆后继,饱受坐牢、迫害、驱逐、牺牲,最终换来1959年自治邦政府的成立。之后反殖运动内部暗流汹涌,亲英的李光耀集团公开与英殖民主子和马来亚当权者勾结,策划一个以镇压左翼力量和瘫痪议会民主、剥夺民主权利和基本人权为目标的马来西亚。

正是在这样的历史背景下,新加坡英语界出现一位不畏强权、坚持真理,“为有牺牲多壮志”的杰出人民之友林福寿医生。196322日,在泰山压顶的人民力量面前,英、马、新三股势力深怕输掉新加坡大选,断然撕破假面具,践踏自我吹嘘的议会民主这头“圣牛”,动用恶名昭著的“维护公众治安法令”(内安法前身),肆意逮捕政敌和异议分子,在未经审讯的情况下,通过无限期监禁、施以肉体和精神折磨及威迫利诱,无所不用其极,企图扼杀獄中斗士的政治意志。林福寿医生以其铮铮铁骨,坚持真理、伸张民主、维护人权,在牢獄中渡过长达20年漫漫岁月。历尽磨难,意志更坚。然而,在群众、同志、亲人、难友、病黎眼中,林福寿医生更是一位温文尔雅、轻声细语、和蔼可亲的彬彬君子,胸襟开阔,蕴含大爱、激励、关怀、同情的高尚品质。

学生时代树立大志

时光倒流至1931年,小印度甘贝尔巷(Campbell Lane)屋内,一个男婴呱呱落地,他便是林家排行第三的林福寿,后来家里又增添7个弟妹。父亲不识字,在竹脚巴刹卖鱼为生,但重视孩子们的教育。林福寿自小在英校念书。日战时期学业中断,在分配中心分发过木薯和红棕油,后来到巴刹帮父亲卖鱼。战后,他到附近仰光小学续读两个学期,中学进入颇负盛名的莱佛士书院。他聪敏好学,求知欲强,图书馆是他的精神粮库;参加过学校辩论会和演讲比赛,担任校刊编辑,不但口才好,而且有过人的思考和写作能力。经历过战火洗礼的孩子早懂事,他说:“我的成长环境启发我认识到穷人所面对的问题与困难,这本身就是一课政治教育。”少年林福寿,深受尼赫鲁特别是他写给女儿书信的影响,他不认可学校崇尚大英帝国那一套,很早就有爱国爱民志向,他关心周围人群,汲取有用知识,思考国家前途。后来的人生道路抉择,其实早有端倪。马来亚大学医学院的大学医科生涯(1951-1957),是他树立政治理想和决心献身国家的关键岁月。

 投身反殖运动

大学医学是林福寿热爱的学科,用他的话说,“它是人道主义学科”。1951年念大学一年级,因为必须加强莱佛士书院未曾教授的科学学科,“功课非常繁重”,但他在勤学之余,仍协助把约占全校40%的非寄宿学生组织起来,他也是1953年成立的马大社会主义俱乐部创始会员,担任过马大三届学生理事会理事,其中一届担任主席。19543月马大社会主义俱乐部机关报《华惹》(Fajar,意为“黎明”)第七期,因发表《对亚洲的侵略》一文,被殖民地政府控以诽谤罪,林福寿为涉事同学奔走筹款和延聘律师,并结识同是出身莱佛士书院、那时巳当上律师的李光耀。他在诉讼期间负起“华惹”的编委职责,还担任学生会校刊编辑工作。林福寿的大学岁月,正值英殖民当局实施紧急法令,对人民力量进行残暴镇压的年代。反殖运动沉寂一段时期后,逐渐恢复元气。工人开始团结在工会周围,工运在积聚力量,马大校园又涌现一批进歩学生,反黄运动浩浩荡荡,筹办南洋大学激起维护民族教育的浪潮,华校生普遍觉酲,马大社会主义俱乐部挫败殖民地政府的司法迫害。地火在运行,1954513日终于找到突破口,那便是林福寿称之为“人民争取政治自由与社会公正的斗争过程中的一个转捩点”——华校生反对兵役法令的“五一三事件”。同年底,人民行动党正式成立了,之前“与李光耀打过交道”的林福寿,也成为该党发起人之一。应该说,23岁的他,此时思想上已徹底服膺社会主义;政治上决心挣脱英殖民主义枷锁、立场上与人民同呼吸、共患难。这对于一位英语界专业人士,尤为难得!从此,林福寿医生的一生,便与马来亚和新加坡人民事业结合在一起。当李光耀仍在巧妙掩饰亲英嘴脸之前,他待之如同志,如战友,林福寿医生随时可进出欧士礼路(Oxley Road)38号李光耀的住家。1955年大选期间,林福寿在花拉公园选区为蒂凡那助选,在武吉知马选区为林清祥拜票。1956年,他在华中校门㚈目睹警察对付手无寸铁的学生和围观的人群,民众自发的反迫害行动,酿成全岛大暴动,英殖民政府借机镇压,解散工、农、学、文团体,逮捕大批各民族反殖爱国领袖,包括被林福寿医生赞为“民族英雄”的林清祥。

 李光耀第一次清党行动

然而,暴风骤雨已无法扑灭延烧的火势,反殖阵营重整后再出发。1957年人民行动党党员大会上,李光耀的地位受到挑战,当时已在中央医院任职的林福寿医生居中斡旋不果。李光耀居心叵测,拒不接受党选结果,让英国人出面为他解围,挑战派被一网打尽,或鎯铛入獄,或驱逐出境,或被边缘化。仰仗英国人的帮助,李光耀等重新掌控行动党中央执行委员会。同年又在党内实行干部制,以非民主手段绑架行动党基层,护驾以他马首是瞻的党中央,为他日后背叛人民事业、勾结英马当权者铺路。为此,李光耀集团剥夺林福寿医生等敢言敢怒敢担当的党内正直人士乃至发起人的干部资格,不让他们成为立法议会选举的候选人。1959年大选后,林福寿医生等140余人的行动党党籍也被无理撤销,李光耀朝背信弃义之路越走越远。1961年,英、马、新三方当权者终于亮出马来西亚这个杀手锏,企图一举歼灭决心把反殖斗争进行到底的人民力量。林福寿医生和傅树介医生毅然辞去政府医院职务,合设人民药房,并与林清祥等共组社会主义阵线,在宪制范围内,围绕马来西亚合并问题,与行动党展开正面交锋,反殖运动又掀波澜。林福寿身为社阵中委,看透识破英、马、新三股黑势力的阴谋诡计,他们不是争取实现真正的统一和平等的合并,让两地人民享有同等公民权利和政治代表权,而是各怀鬼胎,私相授受,全然不顾两地人民的长远利益。19627月,林福寿医生和李绍祖医生、兀哈尔同赴纽约,“联合国非殖民主义委员会”。对于行动党出于私心的倒行逆施,林福寿医生在公开辩论中反驳李光耀:

“在我们争取新加坡和马来亚大陆两地人民实现真正重归统一的斗争中,行动党的合并计划是倒退一步,而不是向前一步。”

 2.2 冷藏行动中遭逮捕

196292日行动党政府又是玩弄合并选项,又是恐吓污蔑乱扣帽子,在全民公投中不光彩地“获胜”了。林福寿医生回顾这段历史时说:“全民公投选项A的结果,没有改变我们的分析。社阵在立法议院极力主张,让新加坡人民作出真正的决定就是举行大选。在竞选期间,我们会作好准备,劝说人民给予我们委托,去争取完完整整的合併,在完整马来亚国家的架构上实现独立。林福寿医生和社阵领导人的言论和计划,说明他们是在宪制范围内行事。但是,行动党政府为了挽回可预见的大选败局,于196322日制造一次政治“地震”:100多位反殖运动的领袖和骨干在所谓的“冷藏行动”中被捕,林福寿医生也不能倖免。一位有理想有追求的大学毕业生,一位人民行动党的发起人,一位失去自由或有病在身,却坚持为病人服务的“人道主义”医生,一位社会主义阵线的创始人,一位反对祸国殃民的合并方案的忠贞人士,从此失去了自由,不是5年、10年、15年,而是20年!他究竟说了什么,做了什么,谁给他定下“弥天大罪”?且看他自已是怎么说的:“参加政治是为了维护人民的权益,为实现他们的心愿而斗争。为此,我坚信必须要具备某些廉正素质,知识分子的诚信和基本原则。”后来他又一针见血指出:“合并计划的失败将加深新加坡和马来亚大陆两地人民的裂隙。不单是因为行动党、联合邦政府和和英国人的机会主义而丧失了构建一个重归统一的马来亚国家的黄金机会,而且新加坡人民的马来亚整体观也遭到行动党的扼杀,以便掩盖其合并计划的失败。”真实的历史是:马来西亚未曾如李光耀所吹嘘的“如日东升”,新马的结合更非“前途似锦”。合并不到一年,196479月份,新加坡接连发生空前严重的种族骚乱,李光耀不敢担当,“跑为上策”,不顾之前的庄严承诺与夸夸其谈了。到底是谁说对了?做对了?谁依法了?谁为民请命了?这一切不是洞若观火吗?

 狱中反迫害斗争

英国人的解宻文件显示,2.2“冷藏行动”的幕后主要推手是李光耀,他的私心决定他不惜借助殖民地时代的“维护公众安全法令”,三更半夜上门捕人,不问青红皂白、不经正式法庭審讯、可以无限期把人摧残在獄中。英国人曾以这个暴行实行白色恐怖,维持殖民利益。曾几何时,李光耀接过这个衣钵,发挥到了极致!林福寿医生被秘密特务带走时,结婚不足两年,留下5个月大的男婴。他坐遍了新加坡的大小监狱,从欧南监狱、女皇镇监獄、中央警署,到樟宜监獄、Mount RosieJervois Road内政部高官住宅、德光岛等。19637月,他被转移到樟宜监狱E Hall,与100多位政治被拘者生活在一起,曾被监禁13年后遭行动党驱逐出境的前工运人士卢大通回忆那段日子:“Dr Lim是我们政治拘留者中最受尊敬的领袖。他为人和蔼可亲,没有架子……思考问题冷静和全面,是我们的智囊和顾问。”政治被拘者组成生活委员会,林福寿医生担任主席,领导众人“有纪律地生活在一起,同心协力处理好集体生活的一切事务,如每日三餐的炊事、卫生、学习和康乐活动。”

但是,行动党政府很快就收紧政治被拘者的生活待遇,千方百计迫使他们“自白”、“悔过”、“表明立场”。他曾被单独监禁在阴森龌龊、虫子当道、读物绝迹的中央警署,“这个地方即使是用来关牲畜也不适合,我们五人进行绝食,我因溃疡出血而被送入医院”。后来,行动党政府的迫害变本加厉,把政治被拘者沦为刑事犯,强迫劳役,他们说“这是改过自新的训练计划之一……这样做会对身为医生的你有益的,手会变得更为敏捷……这就是法律,你每天会获得8分钱酬劳”。于是,“我们进行了绝食”,有些大概持续3个月,明月湾女政治被扣者坚持130天。“我进行了3星期的绝食行动后,他们进来对我说,那好吧,我们免除你的劳改。”行动党政府的劳役计划以失败告终。

 暴露“依法执法”的虚伪性

为了打击狱中志士的士气,当局还挖空心思,让英文报《海峡时报》散布林福寿医生等与林清祥等在在樟宜监狱内格斗,致使林清祥负伤住院的假新闻。林清祥和林福寿医生分別关在RBE Hall。两处牢房完全隔开,无法往来,不可能发生肌体冲突。林福寿提出诽谤诉讼,英文报虽然赔款道歉,但幕后推手却逍遥法外。行动党政府为了达到其不可告人的目的,可以如此不择手段。林福寿医生以其人之道还治其人之身,徹底暴露了他们标榜的“依法执法”的虚伪性。

林福寿医生对内部安全法令下形同虚设的咨询委员会,也有辛辣的鞭笞。这个咨询委员会由三名成员组成,主席是一名法官。他们召见林福寿医生听证,却处处以“这就是法律”为由,剥夺他请示律师的权利,拒绝改正控状上的明显错误,不让他弄清控状留白的内容,他被要求在这样不公开、不透明、不民主的环境中,上演一场荒谬滑稽的司法闹剧。

这个披着司法外衣、实则美化无限期监禁的咨询委员会制度,后来遭到狱中志士的扺制,也就不令人奇怪了。1971年,林福寿被调到中央警署与其弟林福坤同囚在一间条件较好的牢房,目的是诱使他“表白立场”,以换取兄弟俩的释放。林福寿断然予以拒绝,并于1972年通过妻子陈宗孟医生公开发表他的狱中声明,义正辞严驳斥内安局(ISA)人员的荒唐逻辑:要他支持议会民主却不得参加政治活动,要他公开谴责他从未鼓吹的“暴力”,要他替李光耀挽回面子。林福寿医生轻蔑地表示,他们“找错了演员”。为此,他的牢獄之灾被粗暴延长了整整10年。最后,为了缓和国际压力,行动党政府对这位被国际特赦组织定为“良知囚徒”的铁汉子无计可施,只得于1978年把他转移到德光岛加以软禁,制造“释放”假象,实则继续剥夺他的个人自由和基本人权,直至1982年,“刑期”远超过终身监禁的年限,成为当时坐牢最久的政治被拘者。

联名要求废除内安法

流放德光岛的4个年头,林福寿有机会为数千岛民提供医疗服务,成为岛上唯一的人民医生。岛民无以为报,纷赠家禽鸡蛋以表谢意。林福寿为人民服务的精神,始终如一。是什么力量使林福寿如此刚毅而坚贞呢?他说:“我对社阵的合并立场抱持的坚定信念,在很大程度上帮助我渡过漫长的牢狱岁月,加强我坐牢的斗志,经受住种种磨难,战胜要搞垮我的各种伎俩。历史事实证明,我们的立场和社阵的立场都是正确的”。又说:“种种磨难……反让我更深入看清楚这个政权的真面目,其独裁而残酷的本质。”

出獄后,林福寿回到马里士他路的人民药房。80年代的新加坡,议会民主名存实亡,行动党从一党专制到一党独大。精英主义、功利思想、文化失焦、教育折腾、政治打压,目的无不在于巩固行动党执政地位和少数人的既得利益。民主、自由、人权、平等、正义、幸福之路空前坎坷。但是,人民的良知犹在,像其他洁身自爱的人士一样,林福寿医生也是“清者自清品自在”。他关注时局,治病利民,助人不倦,旧友不忘,新朋络繹,亲近艺术,说明长期的磨难并未浇灭他的生活热忱。后期仍不顾个人安危、挺身而出,为社会正义鞠躬尽瘁。199629日,同时代战友林清祥病逝,林福寿在追悼会上发表《向林淸祥致敬》的讲活,情真意切,激动人心。他尊崇林清祥为“民族英雄”,“动员与带领人民群众,英勇地把他们从殖民统治下解放出来”,“清祥所体现的是那种超乎常人得失,一心只想为人民全心全意服务的正义感。”他呼吁大家“纪念、珍惜、巩固”林清祥“崇高与毫不妥协的精神”。有些话今天听起来,其实也适用于林福寿医生本人。2009114日他抱病出席《华惹时代风云》发布会,以切身经历,从宪法高度指控行动党政府内安法的残暴性。他指出:“最主要的民主权力就是新加坡人的宪法权力……无审讯的囚禁,是反和平的行径,是一种暴力行为。”本地年轻电影导演施忠明(Martyn See)把他的发言录制成短片,被行动党政府禁绝,其心虚一至于此!2011921日,林福寿与傅树介,赛札哈里等16位前政治被拘者,联名要求废除仍停留在殖民地时代的内安法。同年1025日,他在《改变中的世界》座谈会上,讲述从政经历、体会和观察。

 值得关注的言论

综观林福寿医生的生前言论,以下几点值得关注。

 

 

1.他一开始便选择议会民主,当然这不仅是每四、五年一㳄大选,也包含了思想、言论、集会、出版自由。但李光耀是英国的人,恰恰是他,为了保住政权,借议会民主之名,行专制之实,打压真正反殖爱国志士,这是双方的分歧所在。

2.种族主义源于左翼的缺位。英国人、行动党和巫统把左翼赶尽杀绝,阻碍了占人口80%以上的劳动人民的大团结,让种族主义有了滋生的土壤,其结果不仅是马来亚统一大业无法实现,而且严重撕裂新马两地人民的唇齿关系。

3.从历史角度看,改变一定会到来,对此要保持乐观精神。未来会有一场尖锐的、“但愿是非暴力的”斗争。

4.他坚信社会主义是人类进行斗争的最终结果。“一个人不应该让他自己的理想与信仰蒸发。不论何种情况,他应该更坚持的去巩固自己的信念……一个生命如果没有了信念,没有了理想,那只是一个毫无意义的存在。”

5.他严以律己,宽以待人,对朋友晓以大义,“不论是谁情绪低落,或因长期监禁丧失斗志,但每个政治被拘者须根据自己的良知行事……要站稳立场……揭露我们国家的不公正、缺乏民主权利和基本人权的现象”。

6.社阵后期内部不团结的症结,既不排除内奸的捣鬼,也要看到社阵主要领导人被捕后所出现的困局。社阵与左翼工会之间的论战失焦,“不断叫嚷假独立来反对行动党,是一条错误的道路,因为用口号进行斗争,只会混淆人民的视线。”

永远活在人民心中

尽管林福寿晚年健康欠佳,乃至必须定期洗肾,但他意志坚强,又得到家人的护理,工作学习如常,社会活动未曾停步,白天按时驾驶陈旧的“马赛地”到人民药房诊病,风雨不改,周末或会友,或习画,或逛画廊,毎年初三不缺席老友聚餐会,互报平安。讵料天不假年,201264日,终因心脏病猝发而离开人世,离开亲友,离开他为之服务为之奋斗一生的人民。有的人大权在握,一手遮天,恣意妄为,用彩衣把自己罩住,掩耳盗铃,得意洋洋。有的人正气凛然,威武不屈,光明磊落,贡献社会,甘当孺子牛,终其一生不忘把幸福带给人间。老子说:“死而不亡(忘)谓之寿”,这正好应验在“福寿”身上。

林福寿医生,你永远活在广大人民的心中!

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Advertisements

发表评论

Fill in your details below or click an icon to log in:

WordPress.com Logo

You are commenting using your WordPress.com account. Log Out / 更改 )

Twitter picture

You are commenting using your Twitter account. Log Out / 更改 )

Facebook photo

You are commenting using your Facebook account. Log Out / 更改 )

Google+ photo

You are commenting using your Google+ account. Log Out / 更改 )

Connecting to %s