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(英文/中文版)Dr Lim Hock Siew speaks from Singapore Prison Public Statement 1972年3月18日发表的林福寿医生狱中声明

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编者按:

  1. 为纪念已故前社阵杰出领导人、坚贞的人民英雄林福寿医生逝世五周年,林福寿医生生前的战友于20171月出版了《坚贞的人民英雄》;

  2. 《坚贞的人民英雄》是以中英文对照出版的;

  3. 经《坚贞的人民英雄》编辑部的同意,本网站将分期刊载《坚贞的人民英雄》的文章。

          特此说明。

The People’s Hero’s article 13

Appendices: Lim Hock Siew’s writings, statements, speeches and interviews

 Dr Lim Hock Siew speaks from Singapore Prison Public Statement——Dated 18 March 1972

 Released by His Wife, Dr Beatrice Chen

I and hundreds of others were arbitrarily arrested on 2 February 1963. Many are still in prison. Ever since that day, we were, and are, unjustly and arbitrarily detained in prison without any kind of trial whatsoever for over nine years. We have gone through various kinds of persecution, struggles, hardships and difficulties during this very long period of over nine years of detention in prison. Recently an unusual development took place. On 13 January 1972, I was taken to the Headquarters of the Special Branch at Robinson Road where I was detained for 40 days together with my brother, Lim Hock Koon.

Two high-ranking special branch agents of the PAP regime indicated to me that if I were to issue a public statement of repentance, I would be released. They told me that nine years had passed since the date of my arrest and that it was time that my case be settled. They admitted that nine years was a long time. I told them that it was pointless to remind me of this long period.

A week after my transfer to the Special Branch Headquarters, the same two high-ranking employees spelt out the conditions of my release. They demanded from me two things. They are as follows:

  1. That I make an oral statement of my past political activities, that is to say, “A security statement”. This was meant for the Special Branch records only, and not meant for publication.

  1. That I must issue a public statement consisting of two points:

        (a) That I am prepared to give up politics  and  devote to medical practice thereafter.

         (b) That I must express support for the parliamentary democratic system.

I shall now recall and recapitulate the conversation that took place between me and the same two high-ranking Special Branch agents during my detention at the Special Branch Headquarters.

Special Branch –

You need not have to condemn the Barisan Sosialis or any person. We admit that it is unjust to detain you so long. Nine years is a long time in a person’s life; we are anxious to settle your case.

Dr Lim Hock Siew –

My case will be settled immediately if I am released unconditionally. I was not asked at the time of my arrest whether I ought to be arrested. Release me unconditionally and my case is settled.

Special Branch –

The key is in your hands. It is for you to open the door.

Dr Lim Hock Siew –

To say that the key is in my hands is the inverted logic of gangsters in which white is black and black is white. The victim is painted as the culprit and the culprit is made to look innocent. Four Gurkha soldiers were brought to my house to arrest me. I did not ask or seek arrest or the prolonged detention for over nine years in prison without trial.

Special Branch –

You must concede something so that Lee Kuan Yew would be in a position to explain to the public why you had been detained so long. Mr Lee Kuan Yew must also preserve his face. If you were to be released unconditionally, he will lose face.

Dr Lim Hock Siew –

I am not interested in saving Lee Kuan Yew’s face. This is not a question of pride but one of principle. My detention is completely unjustifiable and I will not lift a single finger to help Lee Kuan Yew to justify the unjustifiable. In the light of what you say, is it not very clear that I have lost my freedom all these long and bitter years just to save Lee Kuan Yew’s face? Therefore the PAP regime’s allegation that I am a security risk is a sham cover and a facade to detain me unjustifiably for over nine years.

 

MY STAND ON THE MAKING OF A SECRET ORAL SECURITY STATEMENT FOR THE RECORDS OF THE SPECIAL BRANCH

I cannot and will not make any statement to condemn my past political activities. My past political activities were absolutely legitimate and proper. Whatever I had done or said was in the interest of and in the service or the masses of our people and of our country. Even an accused person need not say anything to incriminate or to condemn himself. Why should I who am arbitrarily detained without any kind of trial for over nine years be coerced to act as an agent to the Special Branch by making a secret deal behind the backs of the masses?

I resolutely reject this demand. Furthermore, I have not the slightest obligation to account my past political activities to Lee Kuan Yew.

 

MY STAND ON THE DEMAND OF MAKING A PUBLIC STATEMENT

 I completely reject in principle the issuing of any public statement as a condition of my release. This is a form of public repentance. History has completely vindicated my position. I was arrested for opposing merger with “Malaysia” because I held the view that “Malaysia” was a British-sponsored neo-colonialist product and the creation of “Malaysia”, far from uniting our people and our country, would cause greater dis-unity and dissension among our people. I believe that the formation of Malaysia would be a step backward and not forward in our struggle for national unity.

I have nothing to repent, to recant or to reform. If anything I have become more reinforced in my convictions, more reaffirmed in my views and more resolute to serve the people of Malaya fully and whole-heartedly. I have nothing to concede to Lee Kuan Yew. By right, he should make a public repentance to me and not I to him.

 

MY STAND ON THE DEMAND THAT I MUST GIVE UP POLITICS IN EXCHANGE FOR MY RELEASE

I hold the view that these two demands are self-contradictory, because if there is democracy, I need not give up politics. The fact that I had been detained for over nine years in order to coerce me to give up politics is proof enough that there is no parliamentary democracy. The question of taking part in politics is a fundamental right of the people.

An indirect offer was made to me to leave Singapore for further studies. I have replied to the PAP regime that if I had to leave the country at any time, it must be on my own free volition and not under coercion by the PAP regime.

 MY STAND ON THE DEMAND FOR SUPPORT FOR PARLIAMENTARY SYSTEM

I hold the view that to support the PAP regime’s so-called parliamentary system would mean giving the public and the masses a false impression that there exists today a genuine parliamentary democratic system in Singapore Island. It is an undeniable and unforgettable fact that comrade Lee Tse Tong who was elected by the people of Singapore in the 1963 General Elections, was arbitrarily arrested and detained without trial soon after he was elected. Subsequently, he was deprived of his citizenship and he is still under detention as a so-called “banishee” in prisoner’s clothes in Queenstown prison. The arbitrary arrest and prolonged detention of Comrade Lee Tse Tong affords concrete proof that the so-called parliamentary democracy is a cruel mockery. It does not exist in Singapore Island. Giving support to such a sham parliamentary system means complete betrayal of the people. I will never betray the people of my country under any circumstance. Bitter sacrifice strengthens bold resolve.

Parliamentary democracy does not mean merely casting of votes once in five years during election time. Far more important than this is the freedom of thought, the freedom of expression, the freedom of association, the freedom of organisation everyday during the five-year period and continuously thereafter. I was arrested when the Barisan Sosialis was actively participating in the parliamentary system. For such participation, the colonial government, the Lee Kuan Yew and Rahman regimes had rewarded me with over nine years of imprisonment. This again amply indicates the utter shamness of the so-called parliamentary democratic system. After over 9 years of detention, I am now asked to give support to their so-called parliamentary system in order to secure my release. I firmly refuse to give my support for the sham and illusory democracy in Singapore Island.

 

MY STAND ON THE REQUEST BY THE AGENTS OF THE PAP REGIME

TO CONCEDE SOMETHING TO SAVE LEE KUAN YEW’S FACE

Since history has fully vindicated my stand and my position, Lee Kuan Yew should openly and publicly repent to me and to all other political detainees, now unjustifiably detained in prison. By right a just and proper base for my release from my prolonged and unjustifiable detention (and this equally applies to all political detainees now under unjustifiable detention) should be:

1.Our unconditional and immediate release from detention and the complete restoration of all our democratic and human rights.

2.Payment of adequate compensation to me and to all other political detainees for the prolonged and unjustifiable detention in prison.

3.The issuance of public apology by Lee Kuan Yew to me. We are willing and prepared to concede the last two conditions as listed above. We do not believe that an arrogant man like Lee Kuan Yew will apologise or compensate us. On the first condition that is to say, our demand for unconditional and immediate release from detention, and for the complete restoration of all our democratic and human rights – we must resolutely say:

WE WILL NEVER CONCEDE, BITTER SACRIFICE STRENGTHENS BOLD RESOLVE.

《坚贞的人民英雄》文集之十三

附录:林福寿医生的文章、声明、演说与访谈

1972318日发表的林福寿医生狱中声明

由林福寿夫人陈宗孟医生从狱中带出

 

196322日,我和其他百余人遭蛮横逮捕,许多人至今仍在狱中。从那一天开始,我们在不公正和蛮横的情况下、没有经过任何形式的审讯而被监禁长达9年。在漫长的9年监禁期内,我们经历了各种迫害、斗争、磨难和困苦。最近事情却有了不寻常的演变。

1972113日,我被带到位于罗敏申路的政治部总部,在那里跟我弟弟林福坤一起被拘留了40天。

两名人民行动党政权的政治部特工对我说,如果我愿意发表一份公开悔过声明,我将获得释放。他们告诉我,自我被捕至今,9年已经过去了,应该是把我的案子了结的时候了。

他们承认9年是一段漫长的岁月。我告诉他们,提醒我那是一段漫长的岁月是毫无意义的。

我被转移到政治部总部的一个星期后,那两位高官高声宣读释放我的条件。他们要求我做两件事,即:

我必须立下一份口述声明,交代我过去的政治活动,这等于一份是安全声明。这仅供政治部备案,不公开发表。

  1. 我必须发表一份公开声明,表述两点:

1)我准备放弃政治活动,以后专注行医;

2)我必须表示支持议会民主制度。

现在,让我回溯并扼要摘录在政治部总部被拘留期间,我跟该两位政治部高官的谈话内容。

政治部官员:

你不必谴责社阵或任何人。我们承认扣留你这么久是不公平的。人的一生,9年是个漫长的岁月;我们急切要了结你的案子。

林福寿:

如果无条件释放我,我的案子马上了结。当我被捕时,没有被问及是否应当被捕。无条件释放我,我的案子就了结了。

政治部官员:

钥匙在你手中,你可用来开门。

林福寿:

说钥匙在我手中,是颠倒是非的强盗逻辑,把白说成黑、黑说成白。将受害者描绘为罪犯,而将罪犯粉饰为无辜者。带了4名辜加兵到我家来逮捕我,我并没有要求或自讨逮捕我或不经审讯监禁我长达9年。

政治部官员:

你必须承认一些事情,以便李光耀可向公众解释为何拘留你这样久。李光耀必须保住面子。如果无条件释放你,他会失去面子。

林福寿:

我对保住李光耀的面子不感兴趣。这并非出于自尊心或傲慢,而是原则问题。我遭监禁,是完全不合理的,我不会随随便便地帮助李光耀把不合理的事情合理化。照你们的说法,岂不是一切明明白白,我在这些漫长而艰苦的年头失去自由,只不过是为了保住李光耀的面子?所以,行动党政权指控我对安全构成威胁,而不合理地拘留我9年多,是掩盖事实的蒙骗行径和托词。

我对私立口述安全声明供政治部备案的立场我不能也不会私立任何声明,谴责我过去的政治活动。我过去的政治活动完全是合法的、正当的。我所说的话和所做的事,都是为了我国人民群众和国家的利益,是为人民群众和为国家服务的。即使是一个被告也不需要说出任何归咎或谴责自己的话。那么,为什么要强迫不经任何形式的审讯而遭蛮横监禁9年多的我,来充当政治部的代理人,背着人民群众进行幕后交易?

我坚决拒绝这一要求。再者,我没有丝毫义务向李光耀交代我过去的政治活动。

我对被要求发表公开声明的立场原则上,我完全拒绝以发表公开声明为条件来换取释放,这是公开忏悔的一种方式。历史已经完全证明我的立场是正确的。我是由于反对跟马来西亚合并而被捕,因为我认为马来西亚是英国人谋划的新殖民主义产物,而马来西亚的创立,不但不能团结人民和国家,反而会加剧人民的不团结和纷争。我认为马来西亚成立,将使我们争取国家团结的斗争倒退,而不是进步。

我没有什么可忏悔、反悔或改造。反之,我的信念变得更牢固,观点更坚定,更坚决地要全心全意为马来亚人民服务。我没有什么可对李光耀让步。按道理,他应当公开对我表示忏悔,而不是我对他忏悔。

我对被要求必须放弃政治来换取释放的立场我认为这两项要求是相互矛盾的,因为如果有民主,我就不需要放弃政治。事实上,为了强迫我放弃政治而将我监禁了9年多,这就足以证明没有议会民主。参加政治活动是人民的基本权利。

另外,我间接得到一项献议,请我离开新加坡,出国深造。我对行动党政权的答复是,如果我任何时候想要离开这个国家,必需是出于我个人自愿的选择,而不是屈从于行动党政权的强权威逼。

我对被要求支持议会制度的立场我认为,支持行动党政权的所谓议会制度,等于是为广大人民群众制造假象,让人误以为今天的新加坡岛存在一个真正的议会民主制度。李思东同志在1963年的新加坡大选中获胜,随即被蛮横逮捕和未经审讯监禁,这是一个不可否认和不可忘记的事实。后来,他又遭褫夺了公民权,成为所谓的被驱逐者,身穿囚衣,仍被关押在女皇镇监狱。蛮横逮捕并长期监禁李思东同志,这具体证明,所谓的议会民主是个冷酷的嘲讽。新加坡岛不存在议会民主。支持这样一个假议会民主就是彻底背叛人民。我决不在任何情况下背叛我国人民。艰苦牺牲志更坚。

议会民主并不仅仅是每5年选举投一次票,更重要的是,在5年内及以后,天天都有信仰自由、言论自由、结社自由和出版自由。我是在社阵积极参与议会制度活动期间被捕的。参与这样的活动,殖民地政府、李光耀和拉曼政权给我的回报是9年多的监禁。这再次充分说明所谓议会民主制度是彻头彻尾虚假的。经过9年多的监禁,竟然要求我表示支持所谓的议会制度,来换取释放。我坚决拒绝支持新加坡岛的假民主和虚幻民主。

我对行动党政权特工要求做些让步来挽回李光耀面子的立场既然历史已充分证明我的立场正确,光明磊落,李光耀应当公开向我和其他还遭不合理监禁的所有政治扣留者,表示忏悔。按理说,将我从长期和不合理监禁中诠释的公正和正确标准(同样适用于其他还遭不合理监禁的所有政治犯)应当是:

1.立即无条件释放我们,并完全恢复我们的一切民主权利和人权;

2.对我和其他所有政治犯遭长期不合理监禁,给予适当的赔偿;

3.李光耀公开向我表示道歉。

我们愿意并准备放弃上述的最后两个要求,因为我们不相信像李光耀这样傲慢的人会道歉和赔偿。对第一项要求,即,立即无条件释放我们,并完全恢复我们的一切民主权利和人权,否则,我们坚决表示:

决不退让艰苦牺牲志更坚。

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