编者按：
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为纪念已故前社阵杰出领导人、坚贞的人民英雄林福寿医生逝世五周年，林福寿医生生前的战友于2017年1月出版了《坚贞的人民英雄》；
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《坚贞的人民英雄》是以中英文对照出版的；
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经《坚贞的人民英雄》编辑部的同意，本网站将分期刊载《坚贞的人民英雄》的文章。
特此说明。
Appendix VI: Lim Hock Siew’s writings, statements, speeches and interviews
A Turning Point in Our People’s Struggle
Lim Hock Siew
(Foreword to the Chinese book “Precious historical archives of the Singapore student movement in the British colonial time”)
In the political history of Singapore, May 13, 1954 stands out as a turning point in our people’s struggle for political freedom and social justice.
Amidst the atmosphere during the early 1950s brought about by the “Emergency Regulations”, some thousand Chinese middle school students courageously spear-headed a movement which made a breakthrough to the “white terror” created by the colonial rulers.
On that historical day, the students defied threats advanced by the colonial rulers and staged a demonstration in front of the Governor’s Residence (now the ‘Istana’) to register their opposition against conscription. As to be expected, what started as a peaceful expression of a people’s views were brutally confronted by the colonial police who wantonly beat them up.
Far from being intimidated and subdued by such police brutality, the incident sparked widespread resentment among students in the Chinese middle schools all over Singapore. Inevitably, it served to arouse the political awareness of students of that generation in Singapore which, hitherto, had stayed latent.
It was the spark that torched a prairie fire!
The Incident led to the emergence of a situation where students get themselves actively involved in an extensive student movement which swept across literally all the Chinese middle schools and later over at Nanyang University. It was fairly common to see students as they graduated from schools playing leading roles in the trades union movement as well as in political organizations under the PAP. It was also not uncommon in the 1950s to notice cultural and civic organizations cropping up like bamboo shoots after spring rains staffed by hitherto student activists.
Like a gigantic tidal wave, these activists swept the PAP into power in 1959, hoping that the newly formed political party would bring about political freedom and social justice to our people.
But it was not to be. Subsequent repressions conducted by the PAP after it came to power proved to be more ruthless and relentless than those carried out by the colonial rulers and they have to be seen through and through as a massive political betrayal in Singapore history. Today, “emergency” laws have become the “normal” laws Of Singapore. Political dissent can result in a double and even triple decade of detention without trial. Restrictions imposed on the mass media, on public assembly and freedom of expression are, if anything, more severe than during the colonial days.
But it has to be said that no political situation can forever remain static and unchanged. The time will soon arrive when our people will free themselves from the five decades of political oppression in Singapore.
26.07.2011
《坚贞的人民英雄》文集之十八
附录：林福寿医生的文章、声明、演说与访谈
斗争过程中的一个转捩点
林福寿
《英殖民地时代新加坡学生运动珍贵史料选》序
在新加坡的政治史上，一九五四年五月十三日这个日子凸显的是我们人民争取政治自由与社会公正的斗争过程中的一个转捩点。
五十年代初，在所谓“紧急条例”的笼罩下，在一片高压制裁的氛围中，约千名华校中学生英勇地以实际行动，捅破了殖民统治者设下的“白色恐怖”。
在那历史性的一天，英勇的学生不顾殖民统治者的威胁恐吓，在总督府（现在的总统府）前展开示威，反对抽壮丁。不出所料，他们――这一群手无寸铁，正在进行着和平请愿的热血青年男女，被警察肆无忌惮地殴打与无情的镇压。
但学生们不但没有被警方的淫威所吓倒，事件反而被激发和喚醒了那一代新加坡华校生的政治觉悟，让他们更看清了殖民统治者狰狞的嘴脸。
这是星星之火可以燎原的最佳体现！
于是，学生们积极踊跃地投入到众多的各种社会运动中，包括后来兴办南洋大学，从而形成一股强大的学生运动，并且还在五十年代接连不断成立职工会、人民行动党等政治组织，以及在文化和公民团体中扮演重要的领导角色。
也就在这个时期，他们掀起了一股强大的政治热潮，并于一九五九年把人民行动党拥戴上政治权利的宝座。他们寄望于这个政党，期盼它为人民带来社会自由与社会公正。可是他们却没有料到事情竟与愿违。人民行动党在取得政权之后，紧接着便对这一代政治活动分子进行残酷的、毫不留情的迫害，而其惨烈的程度，竟比殖民统治者有过之而无不及。这在新加坡的政治史上，不能不等同于最严厉的政治背叛。
今天，“紧急”条例己经成为新加坡法律中的“常态”规章。在这里，政治异见可使一个人遭致二十年，甚至三十年未经法庭审讯的拘留。与此同时，当政者对大众媒体、公众集会与表达自由所设下的诸多限制怎么说都比殖民统治时期更加严苛。
世上没有一种政治形势是可以永远保持停滞不变的。不久，人民摆脱新加坡半个世纪以来的政治压迫的日子终究会到来。
2011年7月26日
人民论坛 