人民论坛

小溪细水汇集而成形成汹涌的大海洋


留下评论

(中英文版)The interview of Ex political detainees Oh Teng Ail 前政治拘留者胡丁海访谈录

编者按语: 

我们刊载这篇访谈录的目的是:

  1.  希望能够通过访谈的形式收藏与丰富从50年代至80年代,为争取祖国和人民伟大的事业而被英国殖民主义者和李光耀法西斯政权在“公安法令”和“内部安全法令”下被逮捕入狱的前政治拘留者的具体历史文献。我们也希望让前政治拘留者能够把半个世纪前自身遭受的政治迫害留给后人和世人。根据可以收集到的前政治拘留者名单约为2千人。具体名单请参阅由前社阵领导人、前政治拘留者傅树介医生、历史学家孔丽莎博士和前南大生陈国防硕士于2013年共同编辑出版的中英文书籍《新加坡1963年的冷藏行动》附录政治拘留者名单。负责收集与整理这份政治拘留者名单的是前社阵勿洛区国会议员卢妙平女士

  2. 两代的前辈们,在反对英国殖民主义者和李光耀法西斯政权统治、争取祖国独立和争取自由、民主平等的斗争时期遭受了非人道的虐待。对他们当中的一些人在接到正式拘留令前,面对着法西斯统治者为了套取他们口中的情报,不惜使用一切手腕、采取了不同程度和使用不同的形式对他们进行审讯、虐待与折磨(包括长时间的单独监禁)。最后,他们在内部安全法令下不经审讯被长期被监禁。

  3. 李光耀法西斯政权比英国殖民主义者及其傀儡林有福时期更加残酷和不人道!李光耀为了从心理上彻底摧毁这些当年抱负为祖国和人民的伟大事业、意气风发、斗志昂扬的年轻人政治理想,不惜采用各种卑鄙手段迫使他们接受各种违反其意愿的释放条件(其中包括上电视接受采访、发表“政治悔过书”、签署“政治自白书”、接受不再参与政治活动、以及禁止他们与自己过去的同志及战友来往……)。

  4. 以下是转载自Function 8的一个不前政治局拘留者胡丁海的访谈录。受访者名字为胡丁海,前工艺学院学生。其录像视频访谈录网址为:https://www.facebook.com/function8ltd/videos/835244086652567/

我的华文名字是胡丁海。以前学生时代叫做定爱。那么英文名字就是Oh Teng Aik

My name in Chinese is Hu Geng Hai; I used ‘Ding Ai’ when I was a student.  My official name in English is Oh Teng Aik.

1969年华校的中四甲等文凭。那么1975年我是在建屋局任职。那么1976年年终我进入新加坡理工学院土木科,土木工程科,成为夜校的正规学生。

I obtained a grade one for my Chinese secondary four certificate in 1969. I worked at the HDB in 1975. In 1976 I enrolled as a student in the evening class at the Singapore Polytechnic, doing the civil engineering course. 

1975年年终,我的同校同学陈桂莲主动和我来往。我们共同寻求改革不合理社会的方法。彼此认为应该通过马来亚共产党的武装斗争,才能实现没有人剥削人的社会制度。那么,1976年的6月,桂莲通知我填写个人的真实姓名、地址,以及我的政治思想、成长的个人履历书 我是很乐意的。准备参加马来亚共产党的外围组织新青盟。

Towards the end of 1975, my school mate Tan Kwee Liang initiated moves to befriend me. We explored ways to change an unjust society. We came to the view that the attainment of a society without exploitation should be through the armed struggle of the Communist Party of Malaya. Then in June 1976 Kwee Liang got me to write down my actual name, address, my political thinking and my background and history. I was willing to do so. I was prepared to join the Alliance of New Youth, a front organization of the CPM.

197685号,我被逮捕。一直到1221号,新加坡大选前,我不签任何条件,被强制的释放。

I was detained on 5 August 1976 and released on 21 December the same year, before the general election.  I did not sign any conditions, and was forcibly released.

197685号凌晨的时候,我是在汤申路,海南山。那时是3点多,凌晨3点多。那么我在家里,被他们逮捕。那么我逮捕的时候,他们推我上车。两个人夹在中两个人在我旁边夹住。把我的眼睛蒙上。那么,就送到一个我不知道的地方。当然后来我知道这个就是惠德里拘留中心。第一天,85号,我是没有被提审。86号的时候,那么我就被提审。那么这些过程,我是在被释放之后,1977年的时候,我就断断续续把它写成我的一个个人的回忆录。所以您问的问题,如果不介意的话,我就可以参考以前的回忆纪录。

It was on 5 Aug 1976, the hours before dawn. I was at Hai Lam Sua, Thomson Rd.  It was about 3am. I was at home when I was arrested. They pushed me into a car, sandwiched between two persons.  I was blind-folded.  I was then sent to a place I did not know.  Of course I subsequently learnt that it was Whitley Detention Centre.  The first day, 5 August, there was no interrogation.  I was interrogated on 6 August.  After I was released, I wrote down on and off my recollection of what I went through. So as to the questions you posed, if you don’t mind, I will refer to what I have written.

86日早上9点多,我到C6接受问话 。同时也准备面对拷打,带着镇定、警惕和战斗的心情,踏入了拷问室。里面是一张长约6尺宽有4尺的桌子。中间坐着主审官,侧边是一个助手。我先站立着,他们请我坐在,他们请我坐下来。于是我就坐下来。你叫胡定爱,是吗?  我应是。

At around 9am on 6 August I was taken to room C6 for interrogation.  I was mentally prepared to be beaten up, so I was calm, alert and in a fighting mood when I entered the interrogation room.  There was a table 6 ft long and 4 ft wide.  The chief interrogation officer sat in the middle, at the side was an assistant.  I was standing; they asked me to sit down.  I did so.  ‘You are Oh Teng Aik, right?’  I replied, ‘Yes’.

接着又问,你应该懂为什么你会被捕。 我回答:不知道! 他们就说你是和地下组织活动有关而被捕。我说:不知道! 我只承认是一个进步的青年。不懂的什么叫做地下组织。  这样的对答,最先是温和的,渐渐的他们采取暴燥和恐吓的手段。周旋了一段时间,他们再提出另外一个问题 你认识陈桂莲吗? 我回答:不认识! 于是他们凶狠的问:你再说认识不认识陈桂莲? 我坚决说:不认识! 于是他们就暴燥的动手打人了!  但是我还是坚持的不说。

Then they asked, ‘You should know why you are being detained?’ I replied, ‘I don’t!’ I only admitted that I was a progressive youth, and did not know what an underground organization was.  Initially the exchange was cordial, but gradually they became ill-tempered and threatening. After a round of sparring, they brought up another subject. ‘Do you know Tan Kwee Liang?’ I replied, ‘No!’ They asked fiercely, ‘Tell me again, do you know Tan Kwee Liang?’  I said firmly, ‘No!’ They then started to hit me brutally. But I adamantly refused to tell them anything. 

一段时间后,政治部的审讯官,不时有增有减,进出这间拷问室,有的打了几拳就出去了。跟有两个女性出现,有带可怜的,有带讥笑的,有带恐吓的要我承认与地下组织的关系。后来我才知道  主审官就是蔡忠龙(又名,蔡忠隆。退休后改名为:蔡裕林。下同。)。他很技巧的说: “人家女孩子的脸皮很薄。但是陈桂莲却敢在我们的面前承认你就是她的恋人,而你是一个男子汉,却不敢承认她就是你的恋人。我沉住气而不动于中,各方面的殴打 还是继续落在我的身上。同时他们也不时的自己说对我掌握的情况。  你曾经是学生领导者之一,你曾经是因为和人家争权夺利被踢出去。你曾经与四人在炮台党开会,这些等等。于是相当强硬的说:好,现在我退一步,而你们也必须退一步! 这时蔡忠龙迅速的打断说:xxx(骂粗话)!  这是内政部,是东南亚办事能力最强的机构,为什么要退后一步呢?

Sometime following that, new interrogating officers would come in, while others would leave. Some would land a few punches, and then make an exit.  Then two female officers appeared. They in turn pitied me, mocked me and threatened me, insisting that I had underground connections.   I later learnt that the chief interrogating officer was Chai Cheong Loong.  He cleverly said, “Usually girls are more easily embarrassed.  But Tan Kwee Liang was bold enough to admit to us that you are her lover.  You as a man, dare not admit she is your lover!”  I took a deep breath and remained calm.  The blows continue to land on me from different directions.  At the same time, they said things to show that they already had inside information.  ‘You were one of the student leaders, you were kicked out in a power struggle with others. You and four fellows had meetings at Pao Tai Dang, etc, etc.  I said decisively, “Ok, I will give a little, but you must also give a little!”  Chai Cheong Loong immediately intervened, “xxx (swear words)!  This is the Internal Security Department, one of the most powerful organisations in Southeast Asia!  Why should we give a little?”

这就是:蔡忠龙近年照片

于是他和我做了一些争执  ,那个助手就调解的说:好,谈你所退的那一步? 我接着说:我承认认识陈桂莲。好了,你们所要的,你们所退的一步就是让我考虑一天,才来回答你的问题。 但是,他们不满足,得寸进尺的继续问:怎样认识陈桂莲? 对于这个问题当时就闭口不谈了。于是我就继续的被拳打脚踢。

We got into an argument. His assistant then said in a more accommodating fashion, “Ok, what do you mean by ‘you’ll give a little?’”  I said, ‘I admit that I know Tan Kwee Liang. That is what you want. You give a little, give me a day to think over, then I’ll answer your questions.’  But they were not satisfied. Having been given an inch, they went for a mile.  “How did you get to know Tan Kwee Liang?”  I refused to get into this.  So I received continuous blows, punches and kicks.

当晚,就是86号,我没有吃饭了。晚上我就在牢房里面高喊:  “为了抗议反动派无理的殴打,和改善牢房环境, 我胡定爱决定明天正式展开绝食,直到胜利为止。

That night, on the 6 August, I refused to have any food.  I shouted from my cell, ‘To protest against the reactionary group’s unreasonable beatings, and to demand improvement in the condition of the cells, I, Oh Teng Aik have decided to go on hunger strike from tomorrow, until victory prevails!’

叶: 这是第一天的事情?

Yap:  That was happening on the first day?

是,86号的事。为了不使自己的斗争处于孤军作战,我表现出在牢里的迫害和反迫害事件。我以为这是完全必要的。

Yes, on 6 August.  As I did not wish my fight to be a solitary battle, I had to make known the persecution in prison and to fight against it.  I thought this was absolutely necessary.

…………

独眼龙就是蔡忠龙,听说他是马来亚民族解放阵线发起人之一。那么后来74年,他本身也被抓。大概是出卖自己的同志。后来也做了一个审讯官,这是我所听说的。你们的高层分子被捕之后,只要踏进这里,他们就知道什么都完了!于是在不动情的情况之下 ,自己招供一切。倒是你们这些低级的成员,不知天高地厚,不肯招认。那实在不醒目! 于是他们恼怒的叫我站起来,脱光衣服, 把我的双手反扣起来。使我不能够有自卫的能力。

Chai Cheong Loong’s nickname was One Eyed Dragon. Apparently he was one of the founders of the Malayan National Liberation Front.  He was captured in 1974.  He became a turncoat and betrayed his comrades.  Later he became an interrogation officer.  That’s what I heard.  ‘When your leaders are detained, they know it’s all over the minute they step into prison. They would reveal everything without much effort from us.  It’s people like you of low rank who have no sense of reality, who refuse to confess.  That’s really idiotic!’ They barked at me to stand up and strip off my clothes. My hands were handcuffed at the back.  I was totally defenceless.

在拷打之前 ,我对蔡忠龙说:告诉你们  我已经没有吃饭了,接下去吃不吃看你们的表现如何! 蔡忠龙不把我这个警告放在心上,他说:你这个人看得出是不能挨打的,再打几次你就乖乖的讲了!

Before they started to hit me, I told Chai Cheong Loong, ‘I am letting you know, I have stopped taking food. Whether I will eat again would depend on what you do!’  Chai Cheong Loong did not bother with my warning.  He said, ‘You don’t  look like you can endure pain.  A few more beatings and we’ll get you talking obediently!”

他们首先是两个人夹我在中间。同时用力踢我的两边大腿, 有时用拳头打我的胸部和腹部。这样使我不能支持而倒在地上。他们不会因为这样而满足,继续用脚踢和残踏我的身体。也用拳头打和捶打我的身体。这样使我更处于无力之状态中。但是我的头脑始终保持着清醒。他们说:我们给你看陈桂莲,你就说要不要。 我接着回答说:现在什么都不要了! 你们就把我打死算了! 之后又弄出新花招,用冷冰冰的水倾倒在我的头上和全身。最可恨的是蔡忠龙用木头敲打我全身的关节,使之红肿。然后又不断的倒冷水上去。

The two men on either side of me kicked me hard on each thigh at the same time. They also punched my chest and abdomen. I lost my balance and fell.  They did not stop there, but punched and kicked me.  I was totally defenceless and powerless.  But my mind remained clear.  They said, ‘We’ll let you meet Tan Kwee Liang. Tell us if you want that.’  I replied, ‘Now I don’t want anything, beat me to death if you wish!’  They came out with another trick, pouring icy cold water over my head and body.  What was worst — Chai Cheong Loong beat the joints of my body with a wooden stick till they were swollen. The others then kept pouring icy cold water over the joints.

他说:这就是使风湿进入你的身体。 肉体上的折磨不能使我屈服。于是用脚板踏在我的私部。玩弄和带着侮辱的言语说:我们要折磨到你失去享受人生最大的乐趣。即使以后让陈桂莲脱光衣服的躺在你前面,你的阴茎也站不起来! 我当时是很生气、很生气!无耻,真是无耻! 对于这一切根本就不能使我屈服,只有增加我的仇恨而已!

He said, ‘This will give you rheumatism.’  Physical torture would not make me give in.  He stepped on my private part with his feet.  He said in a teasing and insulting tone,  “We are going to torture you until  your greatest pleasure in life is ruined.  So even when Tan Kwee Liang is naked lying next to you, your penis will not become erect!”  I was very angry, extremely angry!  ‘Shameless, you are shameless!’ None of what they did could make me surrender, only increase my hatred of them!

由于双手反扣,身体倒在地上压着了双手,因此除了疼痛之外,血液不流畅而感到麻痹,我的身体因为两个钟头在相当冷的房间,又加上冰水的侵蚀,所以感到非常的寒冷! 那种冷已经参透入我的体内! 我不时呻吟着:冷!冷!很冷! 这样反而引起他们的幸灾乐祸!

With my hands handcuffed behind me and my body on the floor with its weight on my hands I was in pain; my blood circulation was constricted. I had been in very cold room for two hours, drenched in icy water. I was absolutely freezing to the bones. From time to time I moaned, ‘Cold, cold, very cold!’ This only made them enjoy my plight.

我还记得心中愤怒的说:你们残冷!你们残冷!你们没有人性!等等。蔡忠龙回答说:如果我们给你一把枪,有一天你也会杀死我们的!所以你们也是残冷!看样子,他是太心虚了!

I can recall what I uttered in my rage, “You are cruel!  You are cruel!  You are not humans!” and so on.  Chai Cheong Loong answered, “If we give you a gun, you will also kill us one day!  So you are inhuman too!”  It looked like he had a guilty conscience.

197686日被主审官蔡忠龙提审,因不录任何口供而残暴虐待。当天我就开始绝食了!最初的三天,蔡忠龙提审及虐待从不手软!就是说蔡忠龙打我到第三天之后,他就基本上已经知道我在绝食了!后来,牢房也派了医生来看我。那么,医生也一直在很规劝我说要进食,但是我还是不答应。

I was interrogated by chief investigating officer Chai Cheong Loong on 6 August 1976 as I refused to make any statements, and was given brutal violent treatment.  That particular day I started on a hunger strike!  For the first 3 days, the treatment was harsh.  Chai Cheong Loong continuously beat me for 3 days, he then realized that I was on hunger strike.  Later, a prison doctor was sent. He kept advising me to take some food, but I was undeterred.

 

那么一直到了811号,政治部的老首,老关,很多人都叫他老关。我不知道他真正是谁。和我进行谈判,好言劝我停止绝食。  那么我的感触是8天的绝食,令他们之后不敢再轻易的对我动刑了。比较温顺的对待我。

On 11th August, the head of ISD, Lao Kuan– that was how many addressed him;  I did not know who he really was–  he had a discussion with me, encouraging me to stop the hunger strike.  I felt that after 8 days of hunger strike, they would  no longer dare to subject me to torture easily, and were treating me more gently.

1976816日我被另外一位主审官提审。我采用以静观动的策略。所入口供约20%是真实的,80%是虚构的。在对方讨价还价笑话中,就把故事讲完了!我也在口供书签了名。

 On 16 August 1976 I was interrogated by another chief interrogation officer.  I used the strategy of inaction to counter action.  The statement I recorded was 20% truth mixed with 80% fake information.  In a process of bargaining and jokes, I completed my stories!  I also signed on my statement.

 19761221日,新加坡大选前,我不签任何条件,被他们强制释放。

 On 21 December 1976, just before the general election, I was forcibly released without accept any conditions in writing.

 叶:你在监狱里的经历、经验主要是集中在前几

 Yap: Your detention experience, the main bulk of it were at the initial few…

最主要是8678,那么蔡忠龙是拿我没办法的时候,说89号国庆日要到了。那么就让你休息几天。是他拿我没办法的一个退步。

The main events took place on 6,7 and 8 August. Chai Cheong Loong did not know how to handle me after that, and said that since 9 August was National Day, he would let me rest for a few days. It was a retreat for him, as he did not know what to do with me.

叶:那么你的家庭成员呢?

Yap: How about your family members?

当然这是之后,在录口供的时候,他们有恐吓我。说要抓我妹妹。我妹妹是一个护士来的。她也是很支持哥哥,当时的所作所为。他们有恐吓要抓我妹妹。但是我不管他们。当然因为我绝食的时候,他们是不允许我看家人。那时黑青,我的战友陈崇明,就说我的眼睛被打到黑青。什么会让你见家人呢?一直等到 816号后,从85号到816号之后,我也忘记了,可能是82020多,才允许我见家人。也就是我那些黑青已经减退了,那么他们才允许我见家人。

My family came to visit later. When I was recording my statement they threatened to arrest my sister, a nurse. She supported my activities. I ignored their threat. Of course they did not allow family visits when I was on hunger strike. I had bruises all over. My comrade Tan Chung Bin, told me that my eyes were swollen from the beating.  No way would they allow a family visit!  It was only after 16 August– I cannot quite recall, maybe it was Aug 20 or after, that my family could visit.  That was when the bruises had subsided.

叶:桂莲,她是你的女朋友吗?

Yap: Was Kwee Liang your girl friend?

当时是我的恋人,当然后来成为我的妻子。她是因为是在工地里面,认识一些她的工友。后来我也才知道,是叫做xx(inaudible),她是有参加马共的部队。那么大概是,这些是后来才知道的。

She was then my lover; later on she became my wife.  She came to know some fellow workers at the work-site.  I knew only later on.  Known as xx (inaudible) Youth.  She was involved in a unit under the CPM.  That was roughly it, I got to know these facts much later on.

叶:那么你家里成员各方面,在你被监禁的时候有没有给你讲什么话?

Yap: How about your family members. What did they say to you when you were detained?

当时我们会见的时候,都是有用玻璃隔离着,那么电话。那么你提这个,我很愿意回答。第一次见面的时候,我就很婉转的告诉我的家人。我说进来了,吃了几餐。我的意思说我要暗示给他们我绝食8天,但是他们电话马上割掉。那这个是第一次,我印象很深刻。就是说我漏掉了8天就有24餐。我就说我进来,我漏掉这个,他们就马上给我割掉。印象中,

When family members visited, there was always glass partition.  Use of the telephone– since you mentioned this, I will talk about it.  At the first meeting, I tried to hint to my family.  I said that since detention, I have had a few meals.  I intended to imply that I had been on hunger strike for 8 days.  But the phone was immediately cut off.  That was the first time this happened, I have a deep impression of it.  I did not eat for 8 days—that would be missing 24 meals.  I said ‘The day I was detained’, and didn’t give figures, but they immediately cut off the line.

我的印象中19768月那段,是抓了我估计最少一、两百个。整个牢房是爆满。那么我住的房间是E5。本来是一个单人房,但是睡着我们两个,所以我们那时,一个睡木床,一个就铺那个报纸在地上。那么就用我们的拖鞋就当着枕头来睡觉。

My impression of August 1976 is that at least one to two hundred people were taken in.  The whole prison was full to bursting point.  My cell was E5, meant for one person, but two of us occupied it.  One of us slept on the wooden bed, the other on newspapers spread on the floor. We used our slippers as pillows.

叶:有没有单独监禁?

Yap:  Did you experience solitary confinement?

单独监禁,我这整个过程是没有,没有。因为在我的感觉那时牢房爆满。

Solitary confinement, I did not go through that.  I think it was because the prison was absolutely full.

叶:那你是在无条件的情况下被放?

Yap: Was your release unconditional?

因为我那时是血气方刚。我不认为我做的事情是错的。所以我是准备给他们继续被关的。他们认为我的条件还不够。因为我牵涉到地下组织的事认真讲是皮毛。我当时是准备参加新青盟,也捐了一些钱,大概有千多块。就是以这样,他们就把我抓进去啰!

 I was then a youth bold and full of vigour, I did not think that I was doing anything wrong.  I was mentally prepared to be in prison for the long haul.  They figured that my involvement was not significant enough to warrant prolonged detention.  I was about to join the Alliance of New Youth, and also made donations, roughly over a thousand dollars.  That was about it, that was why they took me in.

Advertisements


留下评论

(中英文版)又一个压制下一代沉默的手腕? Silencing Another Generation?

又一个压制下一代沉默的手腕?

(第一部方)

作者:张素兰

副总理善达曼在国大的讲话是令人感兴趣的。

他说,

新加坡今天“有着很大的不同情况。与过去相比,存在着更多的自由空间……”

去年他与大学先修班的学生也分享了同样的看法。他说:

“与过去年代相比,现在拥有更大的自由了,更不用说我的那个年代……我是一个批评政府的异议分子。现在的情况与那个时候相比完全是两码事……”(见《今天报》2016531日)

我希望副总理善达曼的说辞是正确的。不幸的是,他是远离了这个目标了。他的行动党政府即将消灭另一代人的光明希望。年轻的一代人和社运活跃分子除非继续坚持反抗的斗争,以及有能力继续承受警方的不断 骚扰和准备面对类似于西兰.巴兰在国会大厦外站立而被捕的情况。(见网址:https://www.facebook.com/theonlinecitizen/videos/10155815921176383/?fref=mentions&pnref=story.

新加坡的年轻人是否能够追随60年代的美国黑人一样?(见网址:http://www.history.com/to…/black-history/march-on-washington)或者想1988年印度尼西亚学生推翻前印尼总统苏哈多一样?(见网址:https://nvdatabase.swarthmore.edu/…/indonesians-overthrow-p….

副总理善达曼自己亲眼见证了社运活动在1970年代遭受灭顶之灾。那些数以百计,不是千计反对或者批评行动党的人在内部安全法令下被关押和遭受虐待。请大家聆听职工会领袖庄明湖进行的访谈录(见网址:https://www.facebook.com/function8ltd/videos/814969605346682/)和一名工艺学院学生胡丁海的访谈录(见网址:https://www.facebook.com/function8ltd/videos/835244086652567/)。他们告诉了有关自己在被监禁期间遭受被虐待以及他和家人在70年代经历的痛苦的经历。

1970年代那个时期,几乎每年都进行着逮捕行动。活跃主义分子几乎全都灭亡了。反对党已经灭亡了。那些成功地逃出新加坡成为真正流亡者已经无法回到自己的祖国了。他们当中的一些著名政治流亡者如:邱甲祥、洪瑞钗、陈华彪和何元泰……请大家浏览电影制作人陈彬彬小姐制作的历史纪录片《星国恋》。(见网址:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s-yKgvOQII4

                                       

1963年冷藏行动大逮捕和接下来比较小规模但仍然的恐惧的逮捕行动持续不断的发生。一代具有崇高理想人的年轻人就这样被摧毁了。在行动党的内部安全法令下被捕者所遭受的痛苦情况和虐待情况,比起过去在英国殖民主义统治时期有过之而不及。这些具有崇高理想的青年人为了不愿面对不经审讯而长期被监禁在牢狱里,不得不选择政治流亡生涯。他们当中包括了陈新嵘和黄信芳。他们都无法回到自己的祖国,黄信芳最终是安眠于在泰国。

                                 

到了1980 年代,新的一代的社运分子诞生了。他们是受到在1981年赢得了安顺选举的反对党惹耶惹南的鼓舞下诞生的。他们见证了惹耶惹南为了正义而被行动党起诉到法院。他们尝试争取实现一个公平和维护受到压迫的外来劳工。但是,他们的这一切斗争在1987 年都被行动党在“光谱行动”幌子下,以“安全行动”为理由迅速地被镇压下去了。接下来的20年,整整一代人完全失去了发出自己的心声。

长期以来,行动党就是依靠残酷的内部安全法令来维持其统治。它们追随着英国实施的紧急法令(也就是内部安全法令的前身)来控制老百姓抗斗争。一些组织的领导人和潜在的领导人就在这部法令下次被捕入狱的。

在英殖民统治时期,如律师约翰.依柏(John Eber (lawyer)),马格烈医生( Maggie Lim (doctor))、教师陈蒙鹤女士等一群大学生和中学生就是在紧急法令下被捕的。(具体的被捕者名单可以在傅树介医生、陈国防和孔丽莎博士合作编著的《1963年新加坡冷藏行动50周年纪念》书的附录中查阅)。英国人在新加坡的统治被称为“白色统治”。

假设新加坡人在那个是期望在新加坡内部自治个后来的新加坡共和国独立后白色恐怖会消失,那么,他们是错误和失望是的。擅自的逮捕行动和布景审讯的长期监禁的存在,致使了新加坡的独立没有给予新加坡人民从白色恐怖中解脱出来。行动党不仅是保存和延续了内部安全法令,而且是更加变本加厉用来对付人民。事实上,行动党认识到,英国人通过紧急法令来对付当时的抗英爱国民主人士,以维持其殖民统治是一个极其有效的手腕!因此它们使用了内部安全法令来扑灭刚刚兴起的社运和出现的反对党领袖。行动党对付人民反抗斗争的座右铭就是“防患于未然”。

1950年代至今,两代的社运分子已经随着岁月而年长了。行动党是不是要继续清楚另一代的社运分子。

在过去89年期间,社运有重现在新加坡了。那些1987年和早期的被捕者已经开始撰写历史档案资料和发出的声音了。年前一代的新加坡要知道在他们年轻时期发生在1987年的“光谱行动”的历史真相。他妈的父辈并没有告诉他们这些历史事实。他们在芳林公园举行了抗议集会。(见网址:http://www.sgpolitics.net/?p=3088.

政府为此做出的迅速的反应。他们可能没有胆量使用内部安全法令对付年轻的一代。但是他们知道自己在国会里拥有至高无上的权利,可以随意修改或者指定任何法令法规。国会可以把他们的非法行为变成合法的行为,同时,可以随意诠释法令法规条文。2009年的公共秩序法令就是在这样的情况下产生的。这条法令紧缩了有关权诠释非法集会的人数从5人缩减至1人。这条法令的修改意味着行动党政府是不会容忍即便是1名新加坡人敢于站出来反对政府的行为。(待续……)

 

Silencing Another Generation?

by Teo Soh Lung
Part 1

DPM Tharman’s speech in the recent Majulah lecture at NTU is interesting.

Why did he say that Singapore today “is a vastly different and more liberal place compared to what it used to be?….”

Last year, he shared the same view with pre-university students. He said:

“There is more freedom now compared to a decade ago, “let alone when I was your age”. … I was a dissident, a government critic. It was completely different then, compared to where it is now….” (TODAY 31 May 2016).

I wish DPM Tharman was right. Unfortunately, he was wide off the mark. His PAP government is about to wipe out another generation of bright, young and committed activists today unless the young continue to resist and are able to withstand constant police harassment and be jailed as had happened to Seelan Palay outside Parliament House. See https://www.facebook.com/theonlinecitizen/videos/10155815921176383/?fref=mentions&pnref=story.

Will young Singaporeans follow the example of the blacks in America in the 1960s http://www.history.com/to…/black-history/march-on-washington or the students who toppled General Suharto in Indonesia in 1998? https://nvdatabase.swarthmore.edu/…/indonesians-overthrow-p….

DPM Tharman had personally witnessed how civil society died in the 1970s. Hundreds if not thousands who opposed or criticised the PAP were incarcerated and tortured under the ISA. Just listen to Chng Min Oh, a trade unionist at https://www.facebook.com/function8ltd/videos/814969605346682/ and Oh Teng Aik, a Polytechnic student at https://www.facebook.com/function8ltd/videos/835244086652567/ tell the torture and hardship they and their families endured in the 1970s.

Throughout the 1970s, there were arrests every year. Activism died. Opposition parties also died. Those who managed to escape arrest became political exiles, never to return to their country of birth. We have several well known exiles – the late Mr Francis Khoo Kah Siang, Dr Ang Swee Chai, Tan Wah Piow and Ho Juan Thai. See Tan Pin Pin’s documentary “To Singapore With Love”. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s-yKgvOQII4

When Operation Coldstore (1963) and subsequent smaller (though no less horrendous) operations took place, one generation of idealistic young people was destroyed. Arrest under the ISA was relentless and treatment under the PAP was even worse than the days under British rule. Those who did not want to face long term imprisonment without trial escaped. Chan Sun Wing and the late Wong Soon Fong escaped. They could not return to Singapore and Wong died in Thailand.

In the 1980s, a new generation of activists appeared on the scene. They were largely inspired by Mr JB Jeyaretnam who won the Anson by election in 1981. They witnessed the injustice done to Jeyaretnam when he was sued and charged in court. They attempted to create a fairer society and protect oppressed migrant workers. But they were swiftly put down in 1987 in the so called “security operation” codenamed Operation Spectrum. That generation lost their voice for the next 20 years

The PAP’s longevity seems to be dependent on the ruthless use of the ISA. It followed closely the practice of the British which used the Emergency Regulations (the forerunner of the ISA) to control the population. Leaders and potential leaders were arrested and imprisoned under the regulations.

Under the British, John Eber (lawyer), Maggie Lim (doctor), teachers like Linda Chen and a large number of university and school students were arrested. (For a fuller list, refer to The 1963 Operation Coldstore in Singapore, Commemorating 50 Years edited by Poh Soo Kai, Tan Kok Fang and Hong Lysa). The reign of the British was called the reign of “White Terror”.

If the people of Singapore had expected white terror to disappear after partial and later full independence, they were sadly mistaken. Independence did not give them the freedom from fear of arbitrary arrest and imprisonment without trial. The ISA was not only retained but made worse for the people. Indeed, the PAP must have realised that what the British practised was extremely effective in securing and maintaining power! And so began the practice of snuffing out civil society and opposition leaders as soon as they appear. “Nipped in the bud” was the PAP’s motto.

From the 1950s till today, two generations of activists have been lost. Is the PAP government about to wipe out another generation of activists?

In the last eight or nine years, civil society re-emerged. Those arrested in 1987 and earlier started to document and speak up. The young wanted to know what happened in 1987 when they were teenagers. Their parents did not talk about the arrests with them. They held a protest in Hong Lim Park. See http://www.sgpolitics.net/?p=3088.

The government was quick to react. It may not have the stomach to use the ISA on this new generation of activists but they know that it is supreme in parliament and could enact any law they wish. Parliament could legalise illegal acts and define terms any way it likes. The Public Order Act was thus born in that same year – 2009. It stretches the definition of illegal assembly to one lone protester. This law signifies to Singaporeans that the PAP will not tolerate even one person standing out of line.to be continue……