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Sixty Years on….Commemorating the May 13 1954 Student Movement 60年了….. 纪念1954年《五一三》学生运动60周年(中英文翻译)

may 13 banner

说明:
1. 经本文作者孔莉莎博士的同意,本网站翻译并转发本篇文章。

2. 孔莉莎博士曾在国立大学历史系任职。现独立进行研究工作。她是2008年出版的《编写国家历史:新加坡的现在还过去》(《The Scripting of a National History:Singapore and its Pasts 》)的作者之一。她是《情系五一三:1950年代新加坡华文中学生运动与政治变革》编辑者之一。她同时是《新加坡1963年的冷藏行动》的共同出版者之一。她曾参与创办《s/pores:新加坡永久的新方向》【www.s-pores.com】电子版学术杂志。他是作家贺巾于2004年出版的《巨浪》的翻译人之一。

3. 本文为中文翻译件。如本文与英文原件之间的文字或词句表达有不同之处,均以英文原件作为最终解释权。特此说明。

In memory of Tan Jing Quee怀念陈仁贵

第一部分
Part 1

2014年5月13日:一份超乎想象的篇章
May 13 2014: The fantastical version

还要持续沉默60年吗?Continuing silence 60 years on?

‘60年了……纪念1954年5月13日学生运动’举办的聚餐会,是一个引起广泛群众关注的盛会,吸引了超过700人出席。早至60年代初甚至包括50年代的华校中学生,他们在过去的年代都会把这一天定为在学校举行展览和讲解会的日子。
The ’60 years on…Commemorating the May 13 1954 Student Movement’ lunch gathering was a widely-publicised event, drawing an attendance of over 700. Up to the early 1960s the Chinese middle school students used to mark the day with exhibitions and speeches in schools.

在1954年5月13日,中学生集合在当时的总督府外面的人行道上,等待着他们的代表向新加坡殖民地总督请愿要求赦免服兵役,结果这场请愿在警方动用暴力驱散下结束。群众不满警方不断的使用暴力对付学生,激发了新加坡的反对殖民地运动的发展。
On May 13 1954 the middle school students’ assembling on the footpaths outside Government House to await the outcome of their petition to the colonial authorities for exemption from conscription ended in state violence inflicted on them. The public display of brutality by the police stimulated the anti-colonial movement in Singapore.

尽管纪念‘513’事件60周年聚餐会反应热烈,可是,还是有一些人对这个纪念聚餐会持保留态度。官方文告始终把矛头指向马来亚共产党是5.13事件的幕后主使者。这令人担心这个纪念聚餐会是否将导致今后作为藉口指责这是与共产党活动有关联。
Despite the overwhelming response to the 60th anniversary gathering, there would have been some who had reservations about the commemoration. The state narrative of the May 13 events targeted the Communist Party of Malaya (CPM) as the mastermind. There would be concerns that the celebration will cause the state to retaliate by bringing the charge of communist party involvement to the fore again.

当人们打开2014年5月13日刊登在《联合早报》的一篇文章《‘513’学生运动事件的历史意义》时,说明了这些持有这种顾虑的人的想法是有依据的。
Those who hold this view could well feel that their fears were justified when they opened their copy of Lianhe Zaobao on May 13 and read ‘The historical significance of the May student movement’.

马来亚共产党强大势力的神话
The myth of the mighty Communist Party of Malaya

这篇文章假设马来亚共产党是‘513’事件的幕后推手。陈剑,一个自称自己是‘独立学者研究新加坡和马来西亚左翼运动的历史’。他自己在(http://s-pores.com/2008/01/ccchin/)网站上声称自己是前左翼分子,并支持左翼运动。他希望把毕生精力致力于建立一个马来西亚共产党历史档案库,并专门撰写有关马来西亚共产党的历史。
The article posits the CPM as the force directing the May 13 events. CC Chin introduced himself as ‘an independent scholar working on the history of the left in Singapore and Malaysia’. He is on record (http://s-pores.com/2008/01/ccchin/) as stating that he was from the left, and supported the left-wing movement. His life’s work is to build an archive of the CPM, and write its history.

陈剑是一位资深学者,对出版有关马来西亚共产党的书籍来说算是经验丰富的一位。
CC Chin is a veteran when it comes to publishing on the communist parties in Malaysia.

陈剑的文章在《联合早报》出现令人感到惊讶。在他脑袋里改写了Rudyard Kipling‘东是东,西是西,道不同不相为谋’ 的词句(Turning Rudyard Kipling’s phrase ‘never the twain shall meet’ on its head’), 它是在融入,还是更准确的说是混淆了反对者和对抗者的角色。
Chin’s Zaobao essay does an amazing feat. Turning Rudyard Kipling’s phrase ‘never the twain shall meet’ on its head, it manages to fuse or rather, confuse what are opposites, and antagonists.

他先入为主的是把‘513’事件定调为马来亚共产党是整个事件的主谋和推动者。为此,他断定当时英殖民地主义者要从新加坡征召兵役是要派去镇压马来亚共产党。在这个逻辑上,马来亚共产党理所当然的就是站在反对征召兵役的最前方。这篇文章也把学生们展现的令人印象深刻的组织能力与严明纪律描述成是在马来亚共产党指导下的。
His key proposition is that May 13 was masterminded and directed by the CPM. To this end he asserts that the conscripted troops from Singapore were to be sent to suppress the communists. The logic thus is that the CPM would be at the forefront of opposing conscription. The essay also attributed the impressive discipline and organizational capability displayed by the students to CPM direction.

*英国殖民地主义者是不是真的要武装华校中学生后把他们送去森林镇压马共? 这有可能……吗?—更可能的是武装了的学生将会和马共并肩对抗殖民地统治者。
* Would it be plausible that the colonial authorities would train and arm Chinese middle school youths among others, and send them into the jungle?

*是不是只有华校中学生抗议他们将会被送去镇压叛乱,难道英校学生和家长一点也不担心?
* Would it be plausible that only Chinese middle school students protested against the possibility of being sent to fight the insurgency, while those in the English-medium schools, and their parents were not the least concerned?

*准备一项征兵任务,训练只是部分时间,每个月不超过20小时,这可能吗?
* Would it be plausible that in preparing for such a mission, conscription entailed only part-time training totaling not more than 20 hours in a month?

为了说明马来亚共产党是一个充满活力和动力的组织,作者罗列了马来亚共产党一连串的指挥联系网,并指定党的“学委”小组的领导同志,小组的成员负责‘513’事件。这个小组的学生领袖则在秘密指挥这桩事件。
In claiming that the CPM was a vibrant and dynamic outfit, the author lists its chain of command, identifying by name the leader of the party’s student committee, its committee member in charge of the May 13 events, and its student leader on the ground.

非常明显的是这个组织系统图并没有提到实际的力量和行动的效力。
It is obvious too that the organization chart say nothing about actual strength and operational effectiveness.

无论如何,虽然人们可以和作者辩论有关他的资料来源,或者他如何应用这些资料作他的结论,但是,这些都是属于次要的问题。
However, while one can debate with the author on his sources, or how he uses them, and his conclusions, these are actually only secondary issues.

最重要的问题是文章的结局。
More significant is how the essay ends.

两者不谋而合
The meeting of the twain

陈剑宣称,‘513’事件争取到那些小资产阶级者和从海外回来费边社会主义的学生。这些人包括了李光耀和吴庆瑞。人民行动党最终成了费边社会主义者和马来亚共产党的统一战线组织。
CC Chin asserts that the May 13 event won over the petty bourgeoisie and the Fabian Socialist students on their return from overseas, like Lee Kuan Yew and Goh Keng Swee. The PAP was the result of the united front between the Fabian socialists, and the MCP.

由马来亚共产党发动的‘5.13’事件以及与 PAP建立联合统一战线发展到顶点,最终使人民行动党赢得1959年的大选
The PAP wins the 1959 general election, the culmination of the dynamism set by May 13 which the CPM initiated, and with the CPM in a united front.

更加重要的是说,‘513’的积极分子后来都成为新加坡在工运、农运、学生和妇女运动的领袖。他还宣称,一部分早期还当上了部长和国家领导人的内阁成员。
Highlight is placed on the May 13 activists becoming leaders in Singapore’s politics, its labour, farmers, students, and women’s movement, and it is alleged, their ranks included some ministers, and ministers of state in the early cabinet.

这是最精彩和最绝妙的凭空臆想
This is fantastical, and at best delusional.

首先令人感到疑惑的是那些部长被提到了。最可能的是在1963年(不是1959年)被委任为劳工部长的易润堂,其实他自称已经向李光耀坦诚自己是马来亚共产党员,不过他早已经背向马共了。
In the first place, one wonders who were the ministers alluded to. The only possibility appears to be Jek Yeun Thong, appointed minister of labour in 1963 (not 1959) who had come clean with Lee about his CPM membership, and his turning away from the party.

在结束叙述关于1959年时期的事件时,作者避开了解释这个强大政党成员被逼流亡当人民行动党在1961年中旬驱逐党内的左翼分子和1963年的冷藏行动,行动党大规模的逮捕共产党人,把左翼分子和非左翼分子时,一律都归类为共产党分子。
Ending the narrative in 1959 saves the author having to explain how the mighty party was put on the run after the PAP expelled its left-wing in mid 1961, and Operation Coldstore, where the PAP arrested en masse communists, leftists and non-leftists—by deeming all of them to be communists.

人民行动党政府一再强调共产主义是新加坡最大的敌人。在马来亚共产党的眼中的主要敌人还是日本侵略者和英国殖民主义者。
The PAP government has relentlessly called communists Singapore’s greatest enemy. Yet in CPM lore, the party’s chief enemies continue to be the Japanese invaders and the British colonialists.

对于人民行动党而言,把马来亚共产党描述成一股神奇力量是恰当的。这也是《联合早报》为什么在‘51.3’事件 60周年纪念日时,要刊载一篇歌颂马来亚共产党在‘513’事件取得胜利的文章,其用意所在!

The CPM’s myth of its strength suits the PAP just fine, and explains why Zaobao would publish an ostensible glorification of the CPM on the 60th anniversary of May 13.

如果我们以为作者不了解早报刊登他的文章的目的,那我们就低估了他。
To contemplate the possibility that the author is unaware of this is to underestimate him.

第二部分
Part 2

50周年纪念:这股巨浪被压制:
50th anniversary: The Mighty Wave contained

不受欢迎的纪实小说
Roman á clef non grata

ju lang cover

在‘513’事件50周年时出版了一本纪念这桩历史事件的小说。小说名为:《巨浪》。
The fiftieth anniversary of May 13 was marked by the publication of Ju Lang, a historical novel.

但是这本书的出版在当时是使人扫兴的事,因为马来亚共产党不希望这本书出版流传。
But it was a non-event at the time. The CPM did not want the book to be circulated.

这本纪实小说的作者是林金泉,当他69岁时,他使用的笔名是贺巾。林金泉是当时被同学推选为与中华总商会谈判的9人小组成员之一。他成为真正马来亚共产党员是在‘513’事件之后。
The a roman á clef, was written by Lim Kim Chuan, using his pen name He Jin when he was 69 years old. Lim was elected by fellow-students as one of 9 committee members to negotiate with the Chinese Chamber of Commerce. He became a full-fledged CPM member following the May 13 events.

贺巾解释说,他决定不以历史记录文件的形式而是以小说的形式书写,因为后者涉及参与者的名字。他还没准备好直接与公开探讨有关‘513’事件的历史问题。在学生时代,他是短篇小说的领先者。他的小说以当时与马来亚意识和文艺运动有关的内容。
He Jin has explained that he chose to write a novel rather than a documentary account for the latter would have involved naming names, and discussing matters directly and openly, which he was not ready to do. In any case, he was a leading short-story writer in his student days, recording the sense of belonging to Malaya, and promoting the art for life literary movement.

这本小说里面所描述的2位主角是在‘513’事件后被马来亚共产党提升为正式党员。无论如何,他们并没有在每一次的事件中执行党的指示。首先是学生们对突发事件反应而采取行动,学生领袖的决定必须是能够被全体学生所接受,否则,学生们不可能团结在一起的。
The protagonists in the novel are two student leaders of the May 13 events who were promoted to full-fledged CPM members after the event. However, they were not carrying out the directives of the party at every turn. In the first place, the students were reacting to events as they unfolded, and the leaders’ decisions had to be acceptable to the student body if the movement were to stay united.

在小说里的那2位主角的领导最后是腐化变质。他唯一的兴趣是过着舒适的生活、窃取党的基金、和玩弄他属下参与学生运动的女性同学。这2位主角无法与他取得联系并获得工作上的指示。他没有出席这2位主角宣誓成为党员的入党仪式。因为那时刚好有一个同志成功越狱,警察发动了大批人员追捕,他担心自己也会落入警方的法网。
In the novel, the cell leader of the two protagonists had in any case turned rotten, interested only in a life of comfort, siphoning party funds and exploiting a female student subordinate. He could not be contacted when the protagonists sought guidance, and failed to turn up to conduct the ceremony confirming the two as full members for a comrade had escaped from jail and he was afraid of being caught in the dragnet.

这本小说描述的这位小组领袖是最具争议性的。马来亚共产党,依据传统的纪律是不会公开做出任何评论,以及讨论它在‘513’事件扮演的角色的份量。
The portrayal of this cell leader is the most controversial aspect of the novel. The Party, used to hagiographies, was not open to any criticisms, and its role in the May 13 events cut down to size.

随着这本小说在2011年被翻译成英文版本后引起了注意。一个马来亚共产党的派系的成员发出传单文件要为詹忠谦死后平反,詹忠谦是马来亚共产党负责学运和指挥‘513’事件的负责人。(在陈剑的文章里也提到他的职位)这篇文件也详细的叙述了共产党内部的争论并把詹忠谦驱逐出领导层。
Following the attention which the book received when it was translated into English in 2011, a faction of CPM members circulated essays stating that it wanted to render the posthumous justice due to Zhan Zhong Qian, the CPM leader in charge of students, and in command of the May 13 events (also named in CC Chin’s piece). The essay also detailed subsequent infighting among the leadership which saw him ousted.

与此同时,一部分前华校中学生始终坚持‘513’事件纯粹是一场学生事件,断然否定了马来亚共产党与这起事件的关系。
At the same time, some former Chinese middle school students insisted on portraying May 13 as a completely student affair, flatly denying even the merest whiff of CPM presence.

一名前学生领袖在2012年公开谈论那个时候他在左翼活动时就明确表示与马来亚共产党无关。当一位听众提出这个尖锐的问题时,他坚决的回答马来亚共产党与‘513’事件没有关系。
A former student leader speaking publicly in 2012 on that period of his life left the CPM out of his account. He stuck to his guns that it had no relevance when a member of the audience raised the inevitable question.

《巨浪》的出版是双方的禁忌。在2011年翻译成英文版本时造成了他们两方面的不愉快。因为它最终是触及事件的敏感神经。
Ju Lang was thus taboo to both sides, and the translation of the novel into English in 2011 was cause for unhappiness on their part. It evidently touched raw nerves.

一个不能妥协的妥协
The uncompromising compromise

就如陈剑的叙述一样,《巨浪》以一个高潮作为结局:人民行动党赢得了1959年的胜利。
Like CC Chin’s account, Ju Lang ends on an ostensibly high note: the PAP’s victory in the 1959 election:

‘新加坡的政治气氛出现了一个新局面。人们都期望一个新的社会的降临。几位年轻男女也正期待他们新的工作任务的到来!
‘Singapore politics entered into a new phase. The people looked forward to a new social order. These young men and women too waited expectantly to assume their new tasks!’

当贺巾在《巨浪》里以人民行动党的胜利作为小说的结局。他在编后记里的说明可以看出他是做了妥协的。
While He Jin ends Ju Lang with the PAP victory, his Afterword spell out the reasons for what can be seen as the compromises he had made.

贺巾解释他为什么要等到自己退休后才写这本小说。因为他不希望触及这个‘政治地雷区’。这部小说早期的版本被出版社拒绝了——‘这个版本赤裸裸地触及历史事实’。第二版本的评语是小说应该是‘更加积极’。
He Jin explains that he waited till he was in retirement before writing the novel as he did not want to trigger off a ‘political minefield’. An early draft was rejected by the publisher –‘it stuck too rigidly to historical facts’. The second draft elicited the comment that the novel should be ‘more positive’.

这本小说的后记直接面对这个问题。
The Afterword confronts the issues head-on:

1950年代新加坡华文中学生的斗争,受到地下组织的影响,那是众所周知的事。因此,写学生运动,又不得不涉及地下组织问题。但有些人或许还不知道地下组织的复杂性。其实,这是总的敌强我弱的形势下必然存在的现象。马来亚(包括新加坡)人民,与英国殖民主义者之间的斗争,力量对比极为悬殊。
It is well known the Chinese middle school movement in the 1950 was influenced by the underground. Hence it is not possible to write about the students’ movement without dealing with the underground organization. However, many do not know of the complexities of the underground organization. This is an inevitable outcome of a situation where the enemy is overwhelmingly stronger. There was a wide disparity between the strength of the British colonialists and the people of Malaya (including Singapore)….

就以新加坡的地下组织为例子。当年遭到摧残极为严重。有一段时期,新加坡市委的组织只剩下一个学委单位,由此可见一斑。即便如此,在全国武装斗争处于低潮的时候,新加坡群众运动奇迹般地以雄健之势,如巨浪掀天。这除了我国的青少年继承并发扬了先辈们在抗日战争中的斗争精神以外,客观上也得力于亚非拉民族解放运动的高涨。

Taking the Singapore underground as an example, it suffered serious damage. At one stage, the Town Committee had only one surviving student committee. Despite this, and in the low tide of the armed struggle, the mass movement in Singapore miraculously developed into a mighty wave. The young people in our country had inherited the fighting spirit of their forefathers in the anti-Japanese struggle and in addition they were inspired by the objective conditions created by the high tide of the national liberation movements in the Afro-Asian countries.

当年投身运动的青少年,最初他(她)们思想上过于单纯。他们把那些参与革命运动的人都视为好人。殊不知有些素质不高的人,掌握了一定权力之后,不进行自我改造,就在复杂的情况下逐渐蜕化变质。
The young people who threw themselves into the movement initially thought naively that those who participated in the revolution were all good men and women. They did not realize that there were unsavoury characters who failed to undergo self-criticism when they held power….These people degenerated in the complex political situation.

贺巾的贡献却被他所属的党以及前‘513’学生运动参与者同志所诋毁。
He Jin’s contribution has been vilified by both the Party of which he remains a member, and by former May 13 student comrades.

然而,就是贺巾的这部小说已经为整个历史事件提供了一个反映了错综复杂的历史事实。这历史事实是被马来亚共产党以及 前学生领袖自我否定。
Yet it is this novel that has given the most complex and reflective historical account of the event, challenging the self-denial by the Party and the ostrich approach of some former student leaders.

与其压制《巨浪》的论据,这些人应该做的是对《巨浪》叙述‘513’的历史事件多进行叙述、收集、回忆和回馈的资料工作,并对历史进行补充、增加、查询、确认、挑战、毁灭…..巨浪。
Instead of being suppressed, there needs to be many more narratives, recollections and reflections that supplement, complement, interrogate, qualify, challenge or demolish Ju Lang.

那些拒绝接受对‘513’事件的历史事实评价的前学生继续感到恐惧是因为他们担心引起当局再挑起有关马来亚共产党在‘513’所扮演的角色。
The former students who reject historical assessment find themselves continuously fearing that the state would be provoked to raise the issue of the CPM’s presence in May 13.

陈剑在《联合早报》的文章证实了这一点。
The CC Chin essay in Zaobao proves their point.

与其让这种论述‘513’事件继续威胁这些人,不如打破官方一贯的论述:谈论新加坡在1950年到1960年之间的这段历史期间,只限制关于争论谁是共产党员、谁不是共产党员和这桩或哪桩事件是马来亚共产党在幕后参与。
But only if they continue to allow such writings to intimidate them, rather than to break away from the constricting state discourse that Singapore history of the 1950s and 60s is a matter of arguing who is a communist and who is not, or whether the CPM is behind this or that.

第三部分
Part 3
60年了。。。纪念1954年5月13日学生运动
60 Years on….Commemorating the May 13 1954 Student Movement

《巨浪》后的10年
10 years on from Ju Lang

这次举办的‘60年了…..纪念1954年5月13日学生运动60周年’聚会最具深刻意义的是邀请了林福坤在聚会上发表演讲。
The most significant aspect of ‘60 years on…. Commemorating the May 13 1954 Student Movement’ was that Lim Hock Koon was invited to give a speech at the event.

林福坤有条理的叙述了‘513’事件大家都熟悉的每一天和每一个星期的进展情况。
He gave a familiar, dutiful account of the day-to day, week-to-week development of the May 13 events.

最具意义的不是他应该说出的历史事实,而实际上林福坤就是《巨浪》里的主要角色。
The significance lay not in what he had to say, but the fact that Lim Hock Koon is no other than the main protagonist in Ju Lang

这个根生蒂固的禁忌终已 被打破了。
The entrenched taboo has been broken.

林福坤也是《Dennis Bloodworth, The Tiger and the Trojan Horse.》这本书的的主要坏蛋角色。
Lim is also one of the main villains in that fiction posing as history, Dennis Bloodworth, The Tiger and the Trojan Horse.

如《巨浪》的作者贺巾一样,他也是在‘513’事件后成为共产党员。林福坤后来逃脱了当局的逮捕。不过他在1970年-1979年被当局扣留。
Like He Jin, he became a full CPM member following the May 13 events. He was on the run from the authorities, and was detained from 1970-1979.

林福坤并不是简单的叙述过往的事件。在结束演讲时,他最后的评论不是1959年的胜利而是背叛。他最后引用了他的兄长林福寿医生的讲话;
Lim Hock Koon did not simply recount past events. His final note was not about the triumph of 1959 but the betrayal. He ended with the words of his brother Dr Lim Hock Siew:

就如一股惊涛骇浪,这些参与‘513’事件的极积分子在1959年把人民行动党送上了执政的地位。他们期盼着新诞生的政党能够给人民带来了在政治上的自由和社会的正义。但是,事与愿违。接着下来的是,人民行动党取得政权后采取了一系列的镇压行动,其手段比殖民地统治者更加残酷与无情。让我们看透了在新加坡历史上一场大规模的政治大叛变。
Like a gigantic tidal wave, these (May 13) activists swept the PAP into power in 1959, hoping that the newly formed political party would bring about political freedom and social justice to our people. But it was not to be. Subsequent repressions conducted by the PAP after it came to power proved to be more ruthless and relentless than those carried out by the colonial rulers and they have to be seen through and through as a massive political betrayal in Singapore history.

林福坤最后一句话留给了自己,他感慨地向年轻人说:‘命运掌握在我们自己手里,要争取,不怕牺牲,才能实现我们的梦想! ’
But Lim Hock Koon saved the last lines for himself, exhorting in particular the younger people present: ‘Destiny is in our own hands, we must struggle and be prepared to sacrifice if we want to realize our dreams’.

历史档案馆说了啥?
What the archives have to say

傅树介医生在演讲中进一步谈到那个时期马来亚大学社会主义俱乐部的会员和《华惹》(注:社会主义俱乐部的会讯)审判案,职工会的迅速成长。他特别提到了工运领袖詹密星(Jamit Singh)和福利巴士暴动事件。他引用了覃炳鑫博士已经确认了英国殖民者政治部的报告关于1954-1955年的资料,他已经证实马来亚共产党并没有唆使1954年5月13日学生和平请愿事件和福利巴士罢工和暴动。傅医生也揭露他在大英国档案馆阅读到殖民地档案有关福利巴士暴动似乎是英国殖民者那两个代理人从中挑起的。
Dr Poh Soo Kai’s speech extended the time-frame to bring in the conjoined University Socialist Club members and the Fajar trial, the burgeoning the trade unions, mentioning in particular Jamit Singh, and the Hock Lee Riots, and citing Dr PJ Thum’s confirmation that the Special Branch reports in the UK for 1954-55 state that the MCP did not instigate May 13, nor the Hock Lee Bus strike and riot. Dr Poh also revealed that two individuals whose cases he read in the Colonial Office files were likely to be agents provocateurs in the Hock Lee riots.

傅树介医生保留他的最后观点,有关劝说李光耀向林清祥道歉将永远不能为林清祥洗清这个‘污点’!李光耀清楚知道在1956年10月25日的群众大会上,林清祥面对群众的高昂情绪时不是号召群众去‘打警察’而是相反!(译者注:根据英国殖民者的现场警方人员的录音记录是:林清祥是告诉群众,警察也是受薪阶层的人。)
Dr Poh reserved his final point for advising Lee Kuan Yew to apologise to Lim Chin Siong for never ever clearing Lim’s name when he knew full well that Lim had told the highly worked up people attending the rally on 25 October 1956 NOT to ‘pah mata’ (beat the police) rather than the opposite.

林有福政府故意扭曲了林清祥的话作为逮捕林清祥的依据。覃炳鑫博士最近在(伦敦大英国挡案馆的)政治部档案资料里找到了林清祥的讲话记录原稿。(译者注:这份林清祥讲话记录原件是当时英殖民者的警方人员在林清祥在群众大会讲话现场录音后整理的报告。)
The Lim Yew Hock government deliberately twisted Lim’s words to justify detaining him. Dr Thum has recently found the transcript of Lim’s speech in the Special Branch files.

举办这个纪念聚餐会是一个社交集会。在台上演讲者在演讲,与会者在大会进行期间不断的进行私下的交谈(演讲者的讲稿转载在五一三事件60 周年纪念书内)
The commemoration lunch was a social event, and constant chatter went on while the speeches (which are in the commemoration publication) were made.

尽管与会者忙着与自己的老朋友交谈,但是,他们都关注着台上的演讲者。当林福坤和傅树介医生在他们的讲话中谈及当前的形势时,大家都报予热烈掌声。
However, even those busily catching up in conversation with their friends were paying sufficient attention to the speeches and broke into applause when Lim Hock Koon and Dr Poh brought their talks to the present situation.

但是出现目前的从5. 13延续到眼前的这种形势不是由‘老左’促成的。
But the link to the present was delivered most vitally not by the ‘old left’.

年轻左翼青年
The younger left

这次纪念‘513’60周年的聚餐会是由尊严(Maruah) 和第八功能(Function 8)共同主办的。林福坤举手代表‘513’那个时代的参与者向主办单位表示敬意。
The gathering was organized by Maruah and Function 8, and Lim Hock Koon expressed appreciation on behalf of the May 13 Generation for the gesture of respect shown to them.

年轻的导演苏德祥(Jason Soo)制作了一部短片。这是一部叙述一个由学生领导的学习小组在学校集中期间上课的情况。学生们在朗读伊索寓言的英语课程。
In a moving short film re-enacting a student-led study session during the camp-in at Chinese High, young director Jason Soo had the students reading a fable from Aesop in their English language lesson.

在《老鹰与箭》的传说中,老鹰最终被系着一根自己身上羽毛的箭给射死了。
In ‘The Eagle and the Arrow’ an eagle was fatally shot by an arrow whose shaft included a feather from its own plume.

这次的纪念聚餐会上是在与会者合唱激昂与活泼的‘513’歌曲的歌声中落幕。这些歌曲是老同学和社区朋友聚集在一块儿时经常唱的歌曲。‘513’的精神回响着整个会场。
The proceedings of the day ended with a rousing choir and mass singing session of the repertoire of 5-13 songs, which are regular fare for the many alumni and community choir groups that meet regularly. The energy of 5-13 reverberated through the vast hall.

old left singing

照片来自:何俊雄 Photo credit: Ho Choon Hiong

另一组人本来也准备上台演唱,但是由于时间的关系,他们无法如愿以偿。
Another group was scheduled to sing, but their item was cancelled as there wasn’t enough time.

但是,这首歌曲在后来也唱了
But the song was sung after all.

第八功能的3个成员兴致高昂的以福建歌曲欢送客人离开会场。
As people were moving out of the restaurant, they were greeted by a Hokkien song, sung with much gusto and good cheer by three Function 8 members.

f8 singing

照片来自:何俊雄 Photo credit: Ho Choon Hiong

一首耳熟能详的‘我爱我的马来亚’的歌曲被改名为:‘学生之歌’的第一段歌曲是:无良心的政府人, 害死了读书人
It was in the familiar tune of“I love Malaya”. Re-titled ‘Song of the Students’ the first line goes:

无良心的政府人, 害死了读书人
Bo liong sim aye zeng hu lang Hai see liao tak chay lang
Our heartless government Destroy the lives of students

第八功能的成员从在1976年被捕的前工艺学院学生那里学到了这些歌曲。
Function 8 members had learnt it from former Singapore Polytechnic students who were arrested and detained in 1976.

我们或许将能够看到这些当年的歌曲的内容被修改来反映我们这个年代。
Perhaps we will now be seeing updated lyrics to that tune, which reflect our times.

也许我们将会在未来的岁月里听到大家再唱这些歌曲。
And we will be hearing songs sung to this tune for decades to come.

附:

陈剑:《五一三学运的历史意义》

联合早报言论版 陈剑 2014年05月13日

1954年5月13日,新加坡发生了具有历史意义的学生运动。今天,五一三学运已经进入60周年,从历史的角度,我们重新对这一学运的历史进行评估和反思,是一件刻不容缓的要事。

60年前的今天,全星(当时称为星加坡)约千名来自各华校的中学生聚集一起,前往俗称皇家山(福康宁山)旁的总督府(现在的总统府)向英殖民政府任命的星加坡总督作和平请愿,向他提呈“要求学生免役请愿书”。原由是因殖民政府在星颁布了服役法令,要立即进行征召适龄(17岁及以上)青年入伍,接受军事培训,然后派往服役地点,为英殖民政府服役三年。

时值紧急法令已经生效近六年,英军在马来半岛正抄剿马共游击队,并逐步加大征召当地青年入役,实行以当地人对付当地人的离间政治策略,不仅制造和扩大种族间(特别是华巫之间)的矛盾,更进一步试图制造和扩大华人之间的矛盾。其时,华人社会因意识形态的割裂,有亲共产党与亲国民党华人的分裂,英殖民政府也培植了右翼的马华公会,以强化右翼华人的力量。

服役法令的目的十分清晰,就是以培训后的华人青年,作为剿共的工具,以减少英军的兵源损失。1952年,槟城人民抗英同盟会便发表声明,严厉谴责这一法令的提出和执行。

在星加坡,五一三和平请愿最终遭遇全面镇压,殖民当局以镇暴队殴打、驱赶请愿队伍、造成数十名学生被打伤致头破血流、48名学生当场被捕。对英殖民政府的打压学生,社会一片哗然,各方纷表关注并进行斡旋。历经五二二中正总校大集中、六二华中大集中等斗争及各方努力斡旋后,反服役学运终于取得成功,极大程度地粉碎了英殖民政府的分而治之、种族离间、族群离间的目的和举措。

首先,这学运的成功组织、营运和达至斗争的目标,离不开一个高效和严密的组织;其二是这个组织的领导者具有崇高的理想和顽强的斗志;再者是整个进程在不断变化的情势中能够把持住斗争的方向、采取灵活的应变斗争策略和方法,完成斗争的目标。这个组织便是马共在紧急法令颁布后,为星加坡的持续斗争而组织的星洲人民抗英同盟会(简称抗盟)。

具体领导学运进行斗争的是马共地下学运委员会(简称学委),学委主要负责人为黄明强,五一三学运具体负责人则是外号叫高佬林的詹忠谦,在校的主要负责人则以华中的谢姓同学为中心,组成一个称为“行动委员会”的七人领导小组。这七人小组成员来自华中、中正、南洋女中、中华女中与南侨女中,基本上都是抗盟的活跃分子,有的已经是积极党员,其中数名后来都转入地下,最终分别在不同时期辗转上队,参加到武装前线的战斗中去。

这七人小组是真正五一三行动的领导小组,有别于后来五一三请愿后的华中、中正分别秘密成立的八人缓役小组,以及由中华总商会斡旋后成立的由全星八间中学选出55人组成的“全星华文中学生请求学生免役代表团”(简称“免役代表团”)。这些后来成立的各委员会都是因势利导因应于形势而分别成立的。

对于五一三学运,不论是左的、还是右的,都必须承认它是新马人民反帝反殖斗争历史上的一件大事,具有历史意义,只是对它的性质定位、历史作用和历史意义有不同的解读和评估。笔者简略地就五一三学运对新加坡反殖建国所起的作用提出以下的解读和评估,从而肯定它的历史定位和特殊意义:

一、五一三学运不仅是一个马共主导、由学生抗英同盟执行的学生运动,它实际上是新加坡人民抗英反殖运动的重要环节。五一三学运是自紧急法令颁布以来,第一次人民抗争的重大政治突破。它不仅鼓舞了人民的反殖士气,也引导、激发和拓展了此后一系列新加坡争取民族民主独立的抗争。

二、在五人相聚便触犯紧急法令聚会条例下,抗盟的秘密运作突破了这个紧箍咒,不顾且敢于面对可能遭遇的严酷镇压,完善组织起全星华校学生进行请愿行动以及后来的大集中。这不仅是组织者具有极高的胆识和智慧的表现,也是同学们敢于斗争、敢于胜利、坚定和勇敢的表现。这是在一个理想的指引下,甘冒轻则被开除学籍、或被驱逐出境,失去学习的机会;重则遭遇殴打、坐牢、甚或被枪击、牺牲生命的危险,奋不顾身、勇于牺牲的行为。

三、五一三学运不仅影响全马(其时新马仍然是一家,全称马来亚)学生的反帝反殖运动,继后的中学联的成立、以及一系列的学运,直接引导了1957年起北自槟城钟灵中学、南至宽柔中学的全马反改制、维护华教大罢课行动,同时它成为此后新马学运学习与实践的楷模。

四、五一三学运的成功引导了当时的左翼力量以及当时的反殖小资产阶级参与到整个反殖斗争中来。五一三学运促成了左翼与留学归来的一批费边社会主义者包括李光耀、吴庆瑞等人的合作。可以说,五一三学运造就了费边社会主义者的政治资本和群众基础。特别是李光耀当时敢于为学生请命、为学生的正义行动辩护,为他打开了参与左翼运动的大门,他因而成为众多左翼团体的法律代言人、法律顾问,不仅为他创造了群众基础,还顺利地达成与左翼的统一战线,成立了人民行动党,开展了汹涌澎湃的群众运动,继而动摇了英殖民政权的根基。这是五一三学运取得的最大政治效益。

五、五一三学运的积极分子后来几乎都成为新加坡政治运动的中坚分子,五一三造就了大批的左翼干部,后来大都成为新加坡政运、工运、农运、学运、妇运、文运等的领导人和活跃积极分子,这包括人民行动党政府早期执政时的一些部长、政务部长及次长和许多积极干部。他们为新加坡的反殖建国作出了牺牲、付出了青春和幸福的代价,他们是真正建国的一代。

作者为新马左翼历史独立研究员

mini myna

may 13 banner
Photo credit: Ho Choon Hiong

>In memory of Tan Jing Quee

Part 1
May 13 2014: The fantastical version

Continuing silence 60 years on?

The ’60 years on…Commemorating the May 13 1954 Student Movement’ lunch gathering was a widely-publicised event, drawing an attendance of over 700. Up to the early 1960s the Chinese middle school students used to mark the day with exhibitions and speeches in schools.

On May 13 1954 the middle school students’ assembling on the footpaths outside Government House to await the outcome of their petition to the colonial authorities for exemption from conscription ended in state violence inflicted on them. The public display of brutality by the police stimulated the anti-colonial movement in Singapore.

Despite the overwhelming response to the 60th anniversary gathering, there would have been some who had reservations about the commemoration. The state narrative of the May 13 events targeted the Communist Party…

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